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FIRST 


ANNUAL    REPORT 


OF  THEN 


JP  It  O  CJEE &IWG 


OF  THE 


NEW  YORK  STATE  ANTI-SLAVERY  SOCIETY, 


HELD  AT 


I  835, 


PRINTED    AT    THE 

STANDARD  &  DEMOCRAT    OFFICE, 

NO.  SIX,  WHITESBORO'  STREET,  UTICA,  N.  Y. 

MDCCCXXXV. 


3  Sheets. — Postage,  under  100  miles,  4  1-2  cts.  ;   over  100  miles,  7  1-2  cts. 


PROCEEDINGS 


OF  THE 


NEW  YORK  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONVENTION, 


HELD    AT 


AND 


NEW  YORK  ANTI-SLAVERY  STATE  SOCIETY, 


HELD    AT 

'i    >  '3  •  ' 

Peterboro',  October  2£,  1835, 


PRINTED     AT      THE* 

STANDARD  &  DEMOCRAT    OFFICE, 

NO,  SIX,  WHITESBORO'  STREET,  UTICA,  N.  Y. 

MDCJCCXXXV. 


[s/5 


t 


MINUTES. 


Proceedings  of  a  Convention  of  Delegates,  assembled  from  various  parts 
of  the  State  of  New  York,  at  Utica,  in  the  County  of  Oneida,  on 
Wednesday,  the  2lst  of  October,  1835,  at  ten  o'clock  A.  M.,  in  the 
Bleecker  Street  Church,  agreeable  to  the  following  call : — 

TO  THE  FRIENDS  OF  IMMEDIATE  EMANCIPATION  IN 
THE  STATE  OF  NEW  YORK. 

"If  the  cordial  co-operation  and  energetic  action  of  the  friends  of 
human  rights  were  ever  demanded,  by  the  condition  of  our  country 
and  the  wrongs  of  our  fellow  men,  they  are  so  at  the  present  moment. 
The  friends  of  immediate  emancipation,  standing  as  they  do  on  the 
firm  ground  of  those  immutable  principles,  which  are  the  basis  of  all 
true  freedom,  owe  it  to  the  cause  of  truth  and  justice  to  adopt  such 
measures,  as  shall  vindicate  the  doctrines  of  American  liberty,  and 
prevent  our  valued  republican  institutions  from  becoming  a  cloak  to 
the  most  odious  and  irresponsible  despotism.  It  is  plain  that  the 
privileges  of  the  free  are  now  doomed  as  a  sacrifice  on  the  altar  of 
perpetual  slavery.  The  whole  American  people  are  bound  together 
by  common  interests  and  obligations,  and  it  would  seem  [as  if  a  right 
eous  providence  has  doomed  that  we  shall  speedily  be  all  free  or  all 
slaves  together. 

"  Believing  that  we  have  a  high  duty  to  perform  in  this  crisis,  and 
that  upon  the  issue  of  the  present  conflict  depend  both  the  destinies 
of  human  liberty  and  the  blessings  of  our  holy  religion,  we  desire  to 
meet  the  occasion  as  becomes  men,  Christians,  and  Americans.  For 
the  purpose  of  promoting  a  more  extended  co-operation  and  a  more 
vigorous  action  in  this  holy  cause,  we  therefore  invite  a  STATE  CON 
VENTION,  of  the  friends  of  immediate  emancipation,  to  be  held  in  the 
city  of  Utica,  on  Wednesday  the  21st  of  October  next,  at  10  o'clock 
A.  M.,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  State  Anti-Slavery  Society,  for 
the  State  of  New  York.  All  anti-slavery  societies,  recognizing  the 
duty  of  immediate  emancipation,  are  invited  to  send  delegates.  In 
places  where  no  society  is  organized,  those  friendly  to  the  cause  are 
invited  to  meet  and  choose  delegates.  Individuals  throughout  the 
state  and  from  other  states  holding  the  principles  of  the  American 
Anti-Slavery  Society,  and  willing  to  co-operate  in  their  support  and 
extension,  are  invited  to  seats  in  the  Convention." 

The  above  call  was  signed  by  four  hundred  and  thirty-eight  gen 
tlemen,  from  various  parts  of  the  state, 


At  10  o'clock,  A.  M.,  the  Convention  was  called  to  order,  by  Al-» 
van  Stewart,  Esq.,  of  Utica,  and,  on  motion,  the  Hon.  HENRY  BREW- 
STER,  of  Riga,  Monroe  co.,  was  called  to  the  Chair,  and  Rev.  OLIVER 
WETMORE,  of  Utica,  appointed  Secretary. 

Prayer  was  then  addressed  to  the  Throne  of  Grace,  by  the  Sec 
retary  of  the  Convention. 

ALVAN  STEWART,  Esq.  of  Utica,  rose  and  said,  that  with  the  con 
sent  of  the  Convention,  he  would  trespass  a  few  moments  upon  the 
time  of  this  numerous  and  honorable  body. 

Mr.  S.  said  this  was  the  first  Convention  which  had  ever  assem 
bled  in  the  United  States,  under  such  a  remarkable  state  of  facts  as 
those  which  seem  to  distinguish  this  from  all  public  bodies  of  men 
who  have  ever  met  in  this  land  before.  For  the  last  forty  days,  at 
least  three  hundred  public  presses  have  poured  a  continued  shower 
of  abuse  upon  the  individuals  who  called  this  Convention ;  charac 
terized  by  a  spirit  of  vengeance  and  violence,  knowing  and  propo 
sing  nothing  but  the  bitterness  of  invective,  and  the  cruelty  of  bloody 
persecution.  He  said,  our  enemies  have  sent  their  slanders  against 
us,  whispering  across  the  diameter  of  the  glohe,  telling  the  haughty 
arid  sneering  minions  of  absolutism  on  the  other  side  of  the  world, 
that  the  sons  of  the  Pilgrims  had  proved  recreant  to  their  lofty  line 
age,  unfaithful  to  their  high  destiny,  untrue  to  the  last  hopes  of  man. 

Said  Mr.  S.,  is  it  true  that  the  philanthropy  which  warms  our  hearts 
into  action  for  the  suffering  slave,  can  exile  our  patriotism,  and  pre 
pare  our  souls  for  the  most  heaven  daring  guilt  ?  Is  it  true  because 
we  feel  for  bleeding  humanity,  that  it  makes  us  cruel  ?  Can  pity 
produce  it  I  Can  love  beget  hate  1  Can  an  affectionate  respect  and 
kind  feeling  for  all  the  human  beings  whose  lot  Providence  has  cast 
in  these  twenty-four  States,  be  evidence  that  we  wish  to  cut  the  throats 
of  two  and  a  half  millions  of  our  white  neighbors,  friends,  brethren 
and  countrymen  ?  Does  a  generous  regard  for  the  injured  slave, 
imply  hatred  for  the  master?  If  so,  the  converse  of  the  proposition 
must  be  true  ;  that  to  love  the  master  implies  hatred  to  the  slave. 
Neither  proposition  is  true,  yet  the  enemies  of  this  Convention  have 
acted  towards  us  as  though  these  propositions  had  the  assurance  of 
certainty,  as  much  as  we  have  on  a  clear  day  at  12  o'clock  at  noon, 
that  tin  >;IM  shines  on  the  world. 

Said  Mr.  S.,  ue  have  been  proclaimed  traitors  to  our  own  dear 
native  land,  because  we  !<>vc  its  inhabitants.  Our  humanity  is  trea 
son,  our  philanthrophy  is  incendiarism,  our  pity  for  the  convulsive 
yearnings  of  down  trodden  man  is  fanaticism,  our  treason  is  the  trea 
son  of  Franklin  and  Jav,  our  fanaticism  is  the  fanaticism  of  Earl 
Grey  and  Lord  Brougham,  and  the  majority  of  the  wisest  heads  in 
proud  old  England,  our  sentiments  are  those  expressed  by  William 
Wirt,  Patrick  Henry,  and  Thomas  Jefferson. 

Our  creed  is  to  be  found  in  the  two  great  witnesses  of  God's  re 
vealed  will  to  man,  the  old  and  new  testaments.  The  Declaration  of 
Independency  the  Constitutions  of  our  country,  and  the  laws  passed 


under  them,  we  make  the  rule  of  our  conduct,  in  imparting  our  sen 
timents  to  others,  on  the  subject  of  slavery. 

Mr.  S.  said,  the  enemies  of  our  noble  sentiments  and  elevated  in 
tentions,  have  resorted  to  the  old  heathen  track  of  misrepresentation, 
and  by  adding  to  our  code  views  never  promulgated  by  us,  by  charg 
ing  us  with  intentions  never  harbored,  with  expectations  never  cher 
ished,  and  as  remote  from  the  mind  of  an  abolitionist,  as  infidelity  is 
from  the  conscience  of  piety,  as  meanness  is  from  generosity,  as  big 
otry  is  from  charity,  as  truth  from  falsehood,  as  freedom  from  slave 
ry.  They  would  fain  make  us  unfit  for  this  world.  We  are  not 
judged  by  evidence  drawn  from  our  own  declarations  or  acts,  but  by 
acts  which  our  wily  adversaries  prophecy,  we  will  do  or  commit  at 
some  future  period  of  time  ;  and  thus  they  lift  the  curtain  which  shuts 
from  all  mortal  eyes,  except  prophets,  the  great  unbounded  future  ; 
and  by  looking  down  the  vale  of  time  they  behold  us  engaged  in  the 
diabolical  and  blood  thirsty  work  of  procuring  laws  passed  to  abolish 
slavery  in  the  district  of  Columbia,  and  the  slave  territories,  and  in 
this  way  knocking  the  fetters,  from  the  bondman,  which  our  adversa 
ries  call  treason,  calculated  to  dissolve  the  Union. 

What  Union  1  I  doubt  not  that  you  may  see  some  of  these  union 
patriots  here  to-day,  who  would  take  your  life,  and  mine,  and  every 
member  of  this  Convention,  and  in  so  doing,  think  they  had  done 
their  master  a  service,  and  lift  up  their  hand  for  eternal  and  unmitiga 
ted  slavery  to  every  colored  man,  woman  and  child,  in  the  United 
States,  and  throw  into  the  same  pile  all  who  differed  with  them  in 
sentiment  to  promote  the  interest  of  their  master.  These  are  the  pat 
riotic  Unionists,  who  secretly  wish  to  dissolve  the  union,  by  permit 
ting  the  great  cancer  to  grow  on  the  neck  of  the  union  without  at 
tempting  its  cure  or  removal.  These  are  the  friends  of  the  union 
who  are  willing  to  see  two  and  a  half  millions  of  men,  women  and  chil 
dren,  sacrificed  to  the  demon  of  slavery,  according  to  the  written  pro 
visions  of  the  Constitution,  which  these  unionists  seem  to  suppose 
.^unalterable.  These  unionists  are  willing  to  destroy  you  and  me  Mr. 
^Chairman,  because  we  are  not  terrified  at  the  roaring  of  the  slave 
-holders  ;  because  we  feel  for  two  and  a  half  millions  of  men,  women 
and  children,  who  are  now  being  offered  at  the  shrine  of  cruelty,  lust 
and  avarice.  These  lovers  of  the  union  refuse  to  hear  the  loud  la 
mentations  of  bitter  sorrow  and  hopeless  grief ;  which,  like  the  voice 
of  a  mighty  flood,  ascends  day  and  night  from  every  plantation,  every 
factory,  every  corn-field,  every  rice-field,  every  tobacco-field,  every 
cotton-field,  and  every  kitchen  of  eleven  States  ;  and  penetrates  the 
ear  of  God. 

Mr.  S.  said,  the  slaves  never  -held  a  convention  on  the  subject  of 
their  wrongs,  they  never  met  to  petition  for  a  redress  of  grievances, 
or  to  remonstrate  against  the  manifold  injuries  by  which  they  are  bro 
ken  down.  No,  his  petition  was  never  read  within  the  walls  of  legis 
lation.  Solemn  thought.  Eyen  to  us  who  for  a  moment,  have  be 
come  his  -mouth-piece  to  tell  his  wrongs  to  the  world,  and  demand 


6 

redress;  we,  even  we,  white  skin  republicans,  appear  to  be  on  th» 
eve  of  losino-  our  rights  as  white  men,  from  having,  from  the  deepest 
impulses  of  humanity,  become  the  slave's  organ,  to  explain  to  an  un 
feeling  world,  the  wrongs  inflicted  upon  him.  If  white  men  m  non- 
slaveholdins  States  encounter  so  much  noise,  violence  and  injury,  in 
barely  pleading  the  cause  of  the  slave,  before  those  who  have  no  in 
terest  in  the  slave's  body,  and  whose  only  interest  is  to  cringe  and 
flatter  the  master  of  the  slave,  what  must  be  the  condition  ot  the  po< 
slave  left  to  pl^ad  his  own  cause  against  his  own  master ;  that  master 
who  is  fed  sumptuously  every  day,  and  clothed  in  purple  and  fine  lin 
en,  by  the  unpaid  labor  of  that  slave?  When  will  the  glutton,  tc 
wine  bibber,  the  adulterous,  the  avaricious,  listen  to  the  voice  of  the 
unaided  slave  1 

But,  said  Mr.  S.,  some  say  the  slaves  can  be  set  free  some  twenty 
or  thirty  years  hence  ;  ah !  will  men  have  less  wants,  more  justice  and 
humanity  then  than  now  ?  No  !  Again,  if  it  is  right  to  liberate  slaves 
fifty  years  hence,  the  right  is  the  same  now,  for  there  will  be  human 
beings  in  the  world  then,  who  will  claim  the  slaves  by  a  long  line  of 
descent,  who  will  have  as  many  wants  to  supply  with  slave  labor,  as 
men  have  now.  The  sun  will  shine  as  hot,  the  rice-lands  will  be  as 
unhealthy  then  as  now. 

Said  Mr.  S.,  but  we  are  told  by  our  enemies  that  they  love  the 
slave  as  well  as  we  do ;  and  then,  with  the  next  word,  insult  and 
abuse  us,  for  telling  the  world  his  wrongs,  or  attempting  any  redress. 
Mr.  S.  said,  he  confessed  that  this  was  a  new  mode  of  manifest^ 
ing  an  equality  of  love.  But  perhaps  we  do  not  understand  our  op 
ponents,  they  may  mean  that  they  hate  slavery  in  the  abstract,  and 
also  hate  all  means  that  may  be  used  for  its  abolition  ;  perhaps  they 
mean  they  hate  slavery  in  the  abstract,  but  love  it  in  the  detail ;  or 
perhaps  they  mean  that  they  hate  abstract  slavery  and  mean  to  de 
stroy  abstract  slavery  by  hating  all  white  men  in  favor  of  its  abolition  i 
perhaps  they  hate  slavery  in  the  abstract,  but  love  the  man  who  causes 
it, — in  detail,  so  well,  that  abstract  hatred  for  one  purpose,  becomes 
pure  love  for  another. 

Said  Mr.  S,  a  man  might  as  well  say  that  abstractly,  he  hated  mur 
der,  adultery,  swearing  and  stealing,  but  that  he  loved  the  murderer, 
the  adulterer,  swearer  and  thief.  Away  with  such  Northern  Jesuit 
ism,  which  is  opposed  to  abstract  slavery,  but  in  favor  of,  and  ready 
to  kill  any  one  who  wishes  to  change  the  present  posture  of  slavery  as 
it  practically  exists.  Oh !  shame,  hast  thou  not  a  new  blush  for  such 
conscience  ruining  sophistry?  The  same  ingenuous  and  wretched 
distinction  has  been  taken  by  political  metaphysicians,  who  are  wil 
ling  to  barter  American  liberty  to  get  gold  and  power,  on  the  subject 
of  free  discussion,  the  summer  past.  Anti-Abolitionists  at  the  North 
say  they  believe  in  free  discussion,  in  the  abstract,  and  will  not  allow 
it  to  be  drawn  in  question ;  but  this  means,  as  we  find  it  interpreted 
and  translated  in  the  dictionary  of  daily  experience  that  each  man 
may  discuss  slavery,  or  any  thing  else  in  the  silent  chambers  of  his 


t>wn  heart,  but  must  riot  discuss  it  in  public^  as  it  may  then  provoke 
a  syllogism  of  leathers,  or  a  deduction  of  tar.  An  abolitionist  may 
have  the  abstract  right  of  discussion,  but  it  must  be  disconnected 
with  time,  or  place,  if  a  majority  of  his  neighbors  differ  with  him, 
there  is  no  place  where  or  time  when  that  he  may  discuss.  This  ab 
stract  discussion  requires  an  abstract  place,  and  abstract  time ;  the 
abstract  place  must  mean  the  solitude  of  the  wilderness,  or  loneli 
ness  of  the  ocean  ;  and  the  abstract  time  must  mean  some  portions 
of  the  past  or  future,  as  it  is  never  the  present. 

The  liberty  of  an  abolition  press  is  to  be  silent,  the  liberty  of  con 
science  for  an  abolitionist,  is  to  think  to  himself,  or  else  to  think  like 
his  slave-loving  neighbor,  or  stop  thinking. 

The  threat  of  dissolving  the  Union,  is  the  universal  medicine  for 
every  political  difficulty,  at  the  south.  One  day,  Georgia  threatens 
the  dissolution  on  account  of  her  Indian  territory,  gold  mines,  and 
state  jurisdiction,  and  the  missionaries  ;  then,  again,  the  poor  Union 
was  to  be  dissolved  by  the  post-office  robbing-South  Carolina  to 
vindicate  the  beauties  of  nullification. 

Then,  again,  this  Union  was  to  have  been  dissolved  in  1828,  1830, 
1831,  and  1832,  at  four  distinct  periods,  within  a  short  space  of  time, 
because  the  tariff  laws  were  not  made  to  suit  certain  slave  states  ; 
but  this  noble  Union  held  together,  we  did  not  hear  of  a  single  raf 
ter  or  brace  flinching.  In  1835,  the  Union  is  to  be  again  dissolved, 
and  charged  in  account  current  to  abolition. 

The  joke  of  it  all  is,  that  northern  men  professed  to  be  frightened 
to  death,  every  time  the  negro-driver  cried,  "  dissolve  the  Union." — 
As  well  might  a  man  who  lived  in  a  powder-house,  every  time  he  be 
came  angry,  call  for  fire-brands.  Let  southern  men  dissolve  this 
Union,  if  they  dare,  slavery  would  then  take  care  of  itself,  and  its 
masters  too,  in  one  little  month.  Both  would  become  extinct.  No  ; 
oh,  deceived  northern  man,  the  southern  man  will  be  the  last  to  dis 
solve  this  Union  ;  by  it,  he  expects  to  enjoy  his  slaves  ;  without  it, 
he  cannot  one  day.  But  the  wily  politician  of  the  south  has  discov 
ered  the  ghost  that  never  fails  to  frighten  the  north ;  and  the  north 
has  been  kept  in  a  political  sweat,  for  the  last  ten  or  twelve  years,  for 
fear  the  men,  who  could  not  exist  as  slave-holders,  without  this  Un 
ion,  would  dissolve  it. 

It  seems  despotism  is  threatened  by  the  south,  unless  thirteen  free 
states,  disfigure  and  disgrace  their  statute  books,  with  bloody  laws 
to  protect  slavery,  forbidding  abolitionists  to  speak,  write,  or  publish 
any  thing  against  slavery  ;  or  petition  for  its  abolition  in  the  District 
of  Columbia,  under  heavy  penalties.  The  despotism  of  which  laws 
would  so  far  exceed  any  in  Russia  or  Turkey,  that  Nicholas  and  the 
grand  Signor,  would  recoil  with  instinctive  abhorrence,  from  so  foul 
an  insult  to  our  common  humanity.  So  it  is  not  enough,  that  eleven 
states  should  bend  their  backs  under  the  shameful  load  of  slavery, 
with  statute  books  blushing  for  the  wrongs  done,  by  man  to  rnan, 
which  all  the  waters  of  the  unfathomed  deep,  could  not  wash  away ; 


8 

xbut  tee 'tongues  of  northern  men,  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  must 
cleave  to  the  roofs  of  their  mouths,  and  the  active  hand  be  pal 
sied  in  givino-  the  world  a  history  of  the  negro's  woes.  My  coun- 
Jrymen,  ve  sons  of  the  Pilgrims,  the  tyrant  is  at  your  doors  liberty 

: is  bleeding,  liberty  is  dying,  slavery  has  robbed  you  of  the  liberty  ot 
discussion,  of  conscience  and  the  press. 

Armed  mobs  are  to  do  the  work  of  the  slave-holder,  till  the  legis 
lature  obeys  his  mandate.  Then  read  from  your  own  statute  book 
your  doom  ;  you  are  a  slave  without  his  privilege.  Had  the  six 
hundred  delegates,  the  freemen  now  before  me,  not  met  from  fear,  it 
would  have  been  worse  than  in  vain  that  a  Warren  fell,  a  Montgom 
ery  bled,  and  a  Lawrence  expired.  You,  from  this  moment,  are  the 
representatives  of  American  liberty,  if  you  are  driven  from  this  sa 
cred  temple,  dedicated  to  God,  by  an  infuriated  mob,  then,  my  breth 
ren,  wherever  you  go,  liberty  will  go,  where  you  abide,  liberty  will 
abide,  when  you  are  speechless,  liberty  is  dead. 

A  constitution  was  then  presented,  by  the  secretary,  and  read  by 
Mr.  Stewart :  the  question  as  to  its  adoption  being  put,  by  the  chair 
man,  it  was  adopted,  unanimously,  and  the  State  Anti-Slavery  Socie 
ty  was  declared  to  be  formed  agreeable  to  said  constitution. 

Mr.  Stewart  then  informed  the  convention  that  a  declaration  of 
sentiments  had  been  prepared,  which  he  desired  might  be  submitted 
to  the  convention.  On  motion,  it  was  resolved  that  the  declaration 
of  sentiments  be  read.  It  was  then  introduced  by  the  Rev.  Amos 
Savage,  of  Utica,  and  read  by  Lewis  Tappan,  Esq.,  of  New  York. 
The  question  was  then  taken  upon  its  adoption,  and  it  was  adopted, 
unanimously. 

While  Mr.  Tappan  was  reading  the  declaration  of  sentiments,  a 
large  number  of  persons,  in  a  disorderly  and  boisterous  manner, 
crowded  into  the  house,  the  leaders  obtaining  an  entrance  by  an 
nouncing  themselves  as  a  "  committee  of  twenty-five,?'  from  a  meet 
ing  of  the  citizens  of  Utica,  assembled  at  the  court  room.  This 
committee,  in  connexion  with  their  followers,  created  so  much  dis 
turbance  as  to  entirely  interrupt  the  proceedings  of  the  convention. 
It  being  apparent  that  the  convention  could  not  proceed  any  further 
in  their  business  at  this  place,  a  motion  was  made  that  the  conven 
tion  adjourn.  After  a  moments  consultation  among  the  delegates,  the 
convention  resolved  to  adjourn,  sine  die. 

The  New  York  State  Anti-Slavery  Society  having  been  thus  form 
ed,  and  the  convention  dissolved,  as  many  as  could,  by  a  spontane 
ous  movement,  convened  in  the  long  room  at  Clarke's  Temperance 
House,  and  proceeded  to  organize  a  meeting  of  the  society.  Dr. 
Nathaniel  Sherrill,  of  Hampton,  Oneida  co.,  was  called  to  the  chair, 
and  E.  A.  Lambert,  of  New  York,  appointed  secretary.  After  a 
full  and  free  interchange  of  views,  as  to  the  best  mode  of  proceed- 
ure,  Gerrit  Smith,  Lewis  Tappan,  Rev.  John  Frost,  Rev.  Beriah 
,  Samuel  Lightbody,  Spencer  Kellogg  and  Alvan  Stewart, 


were  chosen  a  committee  to  determine  the  time  and  place  of  meet 
ing  for  business.  The  committee  took  the  matter  into  consideration, 
and  Mr.  Smith,  their  chairman,  having  assured  them  that  they  might 
depend  on  a  hospitable  reception  at  Peterboro',  it  was,  on  motion, 
Resolved,  that  the  society  meet  at  Peterboro'  the  next  day  at  8  o'clock 
A.  M. 

Information  was  immediately  given  to  the  Delegates,  and  as  many 
of  them  as  could  procure  the  means  of  conveyance,  (the  distance 
being  27  miles,)  forthwith  set  out  for  the  place  of  meeting. 


CONSTITUTION 

OF  THE 

NEW    YORK    ANTI- SLAVERY    SOCIETY, 
ADOPTED  At  UTICA,  OCTOBER  21,  1835. 

ARTICLE  I.  This  Society  shall  be  called  the  New  York  State  An- 
ti  Slavery  Society. 

ART.  II.  Every  meeting  of  this  Society  shall  commence  and 
conclude  with  prayer. 

ART.  III.  This  Society  shall  be  auxiliary  to  the  American  Anti- 
Slavery  Society. 

ART.  IV.  The  funds  of  this  society,  after  defraying  its  own  ex 
penses,  shall  be  paid  over  to  the  treasurer  of  the  American  Anti- 
•Slavery  Society. 

ART,  V.  The  officers  of  this  society  shall  be  a  President,  Vice 
Presidents,  a  Corresponding  Secretary,  a  Recording  Secretary  and  a 
Treasurer. 

ART.  VI.  The  President  shall  preside  at  all  the  meetings  of  this 
society,  or  in  his  absence,  one  of  the  Vice  Presidents  ;  or  in  their 
absence,  a  President  pro  tern.  The  Corresponding  Secretary  shall 
conduct  the  correspondence  of  the  society.  The  Recording  Secre 
tary  shall  notify  all  meetings  of  the  society,  and  of  the  Executive  Com 
mittee,  and  shall  keep  a  record  of  the  same,  and  it  shall  also  be  his 
duty  to  register  the  names  of  its  members.  The  Treasurer  shall 

2 


10 

receive  subscriptions,  make  payments  at  the  direction  of  the  Execu 
tive  Committee,  and  present  a  written  and  audited  account  to  accom 
pany  the  annual  report. 

ART.  VII.  The  Society  shall,  at  its  first  meeting,  and  always 
thereafter,  at  its  annual  meeting,  elect  an  Executive  Committee,  to 
consist  of  not  less  than  nine,  and  not  more  than  fifteen  ;  who  shall 
have  power  to  enact  their  own  by-laws,  meet  upon  their  own  adjourn 
ments,  fill  any  vacancy  in  their  body,  employ  agents,  direct  the  treas 
urer  in  the  application  of  all  moneys,  appoint  an  auditor  or  auditors 
to  audit  the  treasurer's  accounts,  and  call  special  meetings  of  the  so 
ciety.  They  shall  make  arrangements  for  all  meetings  of  the  soci 
ety,  make  an  annual  written  report  of  their  doings,  the  income,  the 
expenditure  and  funds  of  the  society  ;  and  shall  hold  stated  meetings, 
and  adopt  the  most  energetic  measures  in  their  power,  to  advance  the 
objects  of  the  society.  Five  of  their  number  shall  form  a  quorum 
to  transact  business. 

ART.  VIII.  All  the  officers  of  this"  society  mentioned  in  the  5th 
article,  shall  be  cx-officio  members  of  the  Executive  Committee. 

ART.  IX.  The  annual  meeting  of  this  society  shall  be  holden 
on  the  third  Wednesday  in  October,  in  each  year,  at  such  place  as 
the  Executive  Committee  shall  appoint,  of  which  three  weeks  notice 
shall  be  given  in  some  one  or  more  of  the  public  papers  of  New 
York,  Albany,  Utica,  Auburn,  Rochester  and  Buffalo. 

ART.  X.  The  object  of  this  society  is  the  entire  Abolition  of 
Slavery  in  the  United  States.  While  it  admits  that  each  State  alone, 
has,  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  exclusive  right  to 
legislate  in  regard  to  its  abolition  in  said  State,  yet  its  aim  shall  be,  to- 
convince  all  our  fellow  citizens,  by  arguments  addressed  to  their  un 
derstandings  and  consciences,  that  slavcholding  is  a  heinous  crime  in 
the-  sight  of  God,  and  that  the  duty,  safety,  and  best  interest  of  all  con 
cerned,  require  its  immediate  abandonment. 

ART.  XI.  This  society  shall  aim  to  elevate  the  character  and 
condition  of  the  people  of  color,  by  encouraging  their  intellectual^ 
moral  and  religious  improvement,  and  by  correcting  the  prejudice  of 
public  opinion  ;  but  this  society  will  never,  in  any  way,  countenance 
the  oppressed  in  vindicating  their  rights  by  resorting  to  physical  force. 

ART.  XII.  The  members  shall  use  their  diligence  to  collect, 
from  every  source  within  their  reach,  historical  and  other  evidence 
respecting  the  evils  of  Slavery  and  the  blessings  of  liberty,  and  to 
diffuse  the  same  throughout  the  community. 

ART.  XIII.  The  members  shall  in  every  lawful  way,  endeavor 
to  protect  Human  Rights,  in  the  Liberty  of  the  Press,  Liberty  of 
Speech,  and  the  Liberty  of  Conscience. 

-ART.  XIV.  Any  Anti-Slavery  Society,  or  any  Association  found- 
f.l  on  principles  endbraced  in  this  Constitution,  may  become  auxiliary 
to  this  society,  and  may  have  a  seat  in  its  meetings  by  delegation,, 
and  shall  bo  entitled  to  deliberate  and  vote  in  the  transaction  of  it& 


concerns. 


11 


ART.  XV.  This  Constitution  may  be  amended  at  any  annual 
meeting  of  the  society,  by  a  vote  of  two-thirds  of  the  members  pres 
ent,  provided  the  amendments  proposed  have  been  previously  sub 
mitted  in  writing  to  the  Executive  Committee. 

ART.  XYI.  At  the  annual  meeting  of  the  society,  the  treasu 
rer's  account  shall  be  presented,  the  annual  report  read,  appropriate 
addresses  delivered,  the  officers  chosen,  and  such  other  business 
transacted  as  shall  be  deemed  expedient. 


DECLARATION  OF  SENTIMENTS 

OF  THE  STATE  ANTI-SLAVERY  CONVENTION  AT  UTICA. 

I.  This  Convention  cordially  adopt  the  principles,  and  embrace, 
the  objects,  of  the  "  American  Anti-Slavery  Society,"  as  set  forth  in 
its  Constitution. 

II.  As   Christians,  we  believe  slave-holding,  as  it  exists  in  the 
United  States,  is  a  violation  of  the  natural  rights  of  man,  a  sin  against 
God.     Because, 

1st.  It  forbids  the  improvement  and  cultivation  of  the  mind  by  ed 
ucation  ;  degrades  the  immortal  soul,  and  prohibits  the  reading  of  the 
word  of  God. 

2d.  It  destroys  the  family  relation  which  God  has  constituted  ;  by 
placing  persons  in  a  situation  that  the  marriage  contract  may  be  bro 
ken  for  no  crime,  and  without  their  own  consent. 

3d.  It  unfits  parents  for  the  duty,  and  deprives  them  of  the  privi 
lege,  of  "  training  up  their  children  in  the  nurture  and  admonition  of 
the  Lord." 

4th.  It  robs  children  of  the  care  and  protection  of  their  parents  ; 
and  takes  them  out  of  their  hands  without  the  consent  of  the  parent, 
and  subjects  them  to  the  will  of  others. 

5th.  It  reduces  men,  who  were  made  in  the  image  of  God,  to  a 
level  with  beasts  ;  liable  to  be  bought  and  sold,  and  compels  them  to 
perform  involuntary  labor,  and  have  no  voice  in  the  compensation. 

All  this  we  believe  is  unjust,  and  a  palpable  infraction  of  the  com 
mand  of  God,  by  which  we  are  required  to  "  love  our  neighbor  as  our- 
self:"  and  that  it  is  utterly  at  war  with  the  principles  of  equity,  which 
require  that  "  all  things  whatsoever  we  would  that  men  should  do 
unto  us,  even  so  should  we  do  unto  them." 

III.  As  patriots,  we  believe  that  slavery  is  repugnant  to  our  re 
publican  institutions,  and  a  gross  violation  of  the  principles  avowed 
in  the  Declaration  of  American  Independence. 


12 

IV.  As  philanthropists,  we  believe  that  the  condition  of  the    en 
slaved  in  the  United  States,  demands  the  sympathy  and  the  commis 
eration  of  all  the  friends  of  man. 

V.  We  hclieve,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  slave-holder  in  common 
with  every  other  person  to  do  right,  and  deal  justly  ;  to  treat  his  fel 
low  man  as  men ;  to  restore  to  the  enslaved  what  has  been  wrested 
from  them,  and  for  no  crime  ;  to  renounce  in  them  the  right  of  prop 
erty  ;  to  place  them  under  the  protection  and  control  of  just  and  equal 
laws,  by  which  they  enjoy   domestic   and  civil  liberty,  and  the  privi 
lege  of  mental  and  moral   cultivation  ;  and  have  the  right  of  doing 
their  duties  to  their  families,  to  their  fellow  men  and  to  God. 

VI.  We  believe,  that  it  is  always  safe  to  obey  God,  and  deal  just 
ly  with  men  ;  and  "  that  the  immediate  abolition  of  slavery,  by  those 
who  have  the  right  to  abolish  it,  would  be  both  safe  and  wise  ;"  and 
that  a  contrary  course  will  endanger  our  civil  institutions,  and  pro 
voke  upon  this  nation  tho  just  judgments  of  Heaven. 

VII.  We  believe,  that  free  enquiry  and  discussion  is  the  corner 
stone  of  liberty  ;  and  the  safeguard  of  truth,  and  is  dreaded  only  by 
tyrants  and  the  wicked  :  and  that  it  is  the  RIGHT  of  American   citi 
zens  to  discuss  the  subject  of  slavery  as  well  as  any  other  subject ; 
and  to  express  their  opinions  freely,  and  fully  ;  privately,  and  openly  ; 
by  correspondence  and  by  the  press  ;  and  that  any  attempt  to  con 
trol  or  deter  this  freedom,  by  public  meetings  ;  by  resolutions  ;  by 
threats ;  by   protests  ;    or  by   preventing  the  circulation  of  papers 
through  the  mail,  is  an  assumption  of  illegal  power,  and  an  infringe 
ment  on  rights  given  us,  by  God,  and  guaranteed  to  us  by  the  consti 
tution  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  individual  states. 

VIII.  We  believe,  that  it  is  our  duty,  in  the  spirit  of  love  and 
kindness,  to  do  all  we  can  in  a  constitutional  way,  by  sound  argu 
ment  and  clear  exhibitions  of  truth,  to  convince  our  fellow  citizens  of 
the  correctness  of  our  sentiments,  and  persuade  them  to  act  on  those 
principles. 

IX.  We  believe,  that  every  patriot  ought  to  desire,  and  use  his 
influence  to  remove  as  speedily  as  possible  from  our  country,   this 
moral  and  political  evil. 

^  X.  We  believe  that  every  philanthropist  ought  to  labor,  and  every 
Christian  ought  to  pray  for  the  speedy  and  peaceful  abolition  of 
slavery  throughout  the  world. 

These,  fellow-citizens,  are  our  sentiments.  Are  they  unworthy  of 
Americans,  of  men,  of  Christians  ?  Are  they  unreasonable,  terrific, 
or  sanguinary  ?  Is  there  any  thing  calculated  to  excite  insurrection, 
and  produce  evil  ?  And  that  our  principles  may  be  understood,  and 
no  longer  be  misrepresented  to  the  public,  we  invite  the  attention  of 
our  fellow  citizens  to  the  Constitution  of  our  Society,  and  to  the 
published  documents  of  An,ti-Slavery  Societies.  Our  principles  will 
not  shrink  from  investigation,  or  suffer  from  the  light  of  truth.  And 
if  we  have  done  any  thing  worthy  of  condemnation  or  death,  we  only 
ask  the  birth-right  privilege  of  American  citizens  ;  a  fair  trial  before 


13 

an  impartial  and  legally  constituted  tribunal  of  our  country,  and  v/e 
refuse  not  to  die. 

But  the  right  of  discussion  privately  and  publicly,  we  shall  never 
relinquish.  "It  is  a  home-bred  right,  a  ii reside  privilege.  It  is  as 
undoubted  as  the  right  of  breathing  the  air  or  walking  the  earth. 
Aiming  at  all  times  to  be  cautious  and  tcmperino  in  its'usc.  This 
high  constitutional  privilege  we  shall  assert,  and  exercise  in  all  ^la 
ces,  and  at  all  times.  Living  we  &liall  asset -t  il,  (lying  wo  shall  assert 
it;  and  should  we  leave  no  other  inheritance  1o  ou/clnldrcn,  by  the 
blessing  of  God  we  will  leave  the  inheritance  of  free  principles,  and 
the  example  of  a  manly,  independent,  and  constitutional  defence  of 
them." 


PROCEEDINGS    OF    THE 
NEW  YORK  ANTI-SLAVERY  STATE  SOCIETY, 

PETERHOCO',  OCT.  22,  1805. 

The  New  York  Slate  Anti-SWery  Society,  held  its  first  m.'elmo- 
at  Peterboro',  Madison  Comity,  Thurso'uy,  8  o'clock  A.  M.,  Octobe* 
22,  1835.  At  least,  three  hundred  geollemon  who  had  been  members 
of  the  Utica  Convention,  appeared  at  Peterboro'. 

On  motion, 

Dr.  AREA  BLAIR,  of  R,ome,  County  of  Oneida,  was  elected  Pres 
ident  pro  tern.  ;  J.  F.  Robinson,  of  New  York-,  W.  W.  Reid,  of 
Rochester,  William  Yates,  of  Troy,  and  0.  N.  Bush,  of  Rochester, 
were  appointed  Secretaries. 

The  meeting  being  thus  organized,  the  Throne  of  Grace  was  ad 
dressed  by  Rev.  Henry  Snyder,  of  Chenango  Counly. 

On  motion,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  of  the  Society  adopted  at  Utica, 
be  read.  Thereupon  it  was  read. 

On  motion,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  consisting  of  one  from  each  Senate 
district,  be  appointed  to  recommend  suitable  persons  for  officers  of 
the  society.  The  following  were  appointed,  viz  : 

Joshua  Leavitt,  1st  District,     Rev.  Oliver  Wetmore,  5th  District, 

Samuel  Thompson,  2nd      "     Waters  Warren,  6th       " 

William  Yates,         3d        »     Darlin  Thompson,        7th       « 

Dr.  Hiram  Corliss,  4th       "     Dr.  W.  W.  Reid,          8th       «* 

Ori  motion, 


14 

Resolved,  That  a  committee  of  two  be  appointed  to  take  up  the 
names  of  the  delegates.  J.  H.  Martin,  of  Greenbush,  and  Harvey 
Blodget,  of  Westmoreland,  were  named  as  such  committee. 

On  motion, 

Resolved,  That  a  retiring  committee  of  eight  be  appointed  to  draft 
resolutions  expressive  of  the  sense  of  this  society.  Rev.  Beriah 
Green,  Rev.  Amos  Phelps,  William  Green,  jr.  Henry  Phcenix,  Eli- 
zur  Wright,  jr.  Rev.  Carlos  Smith,  George  A.  Avery,  and  Rev.  Na 
thaniel  Colver,  were  appointed  said  committee. 

The  committee  retired  and  the  names  of  the  delegates  were  then 
taken  up. 

The  committee  to  recommend  officers  for  the  society  reported  the 
following : 

For  President, 

Hon.  WILLIAM  JAY,  of  Bedford,  Westchester  county. 

For  Vice  Preside?its, 

GEORGE  MILLER,  Esq.  Suffolk  county, 

DAVID  LEAVITT,  Esq.  Kings  county, 

WILLIAM  GREEN,  Jr.  New  York  county, 

JOHN  OWEN,  Esq.  Westchester  county, 

DAVID  B.  LENT,  Dutchess  county, 

PETER  ROE,  Orange  county, 

TOWNSEND  HADDOCK,  Ulster  county, 

JOSHUA  LORD,  Esq.  Columbia  county, 

Rev.  N.  S.  S.  BE  MAN,  Renselaer  county, 

Rev.  THOMAS  POWELL,  Saratoga  county, 

Dr.  HIRAM  CORLISS,  Washington      do. 

SAMUEL  KEYES,  Essex  county, 

OLIVER  WESCOTT,  Franklin  county, 

Gen.  JOSEPH  A.  NORTHRUP,  Lewis  county, 

SAMUEL  LIGHTBODY,  Oneida  county, 

Rev.  GEORGE  S.  BOARDMAN,  Jefferson  county, 

RUFUS  S.  PETERS,  Esq.  Otsego  county, 

ISAAC  PLATT,  Delaware  county, 

Rev.  HENRY  SNYDER,  Chenaugo  county, 

Rev.  MARCUS  HARRISON,  Tompkms  county, 

Rev.  CARLOS  SMITH,  Onondaga  county, 

Rev.  D.  C.  LANSING,  Cayuga  county,  " 

EDWARD  S.  TOWNSEND,  Wayne  county, 

Hon.  JOHN  DICKSON,  Ontario  county, 

Rev.  GEORGE  RUDD,  Steuben     do." 

Hon.  HENRY  BREWSTER,  Monroe  county, 

HENRY  PHCENIX,  Genesee  county, 

Col.  REUBEN  SLEEPER,  Livingston  county, 

Rev.  THOMPSON  S.  HARRIS,  Chatauque  county, 

Hon.  ISAAC  PHELPS,  Erie  county, 

L.  A.  SPALDING,  Niagara  county. 


15 

Corresponding  Secretary, 

Rev.  BERIAH  GREEN.  Whitesboro',  Oneida  county, 
Recording  Secretary, 

Rev.  OLIVER  WETMORE,  Utica,  Oneida  county, 
Treasurer, 

SPENCER  KELLOGG,  Utica,  Oneida  county, 
Executive  Committee, 

ALVAN  STEWART,  Esq.  of  Utica,  chairman, 
REV.  AMOS  SAVAGE,  do 

-  Dr.  WELCOME  A.   CLARK,  Whitesboro, 
Dr.  AREA  BLAIR,  Rome, 
JOSEPH  T.  LYMAN,  Esq.  Utica, 
FRANCIS  WRIGHT,  do 

JAMES  C.  DELONG,  do 

JACOB  SNYDER,  do 

Rev.  LEWIS  H.     Loss,  York  Mills. 
On  motion, 

Resolved,  That  the  report  of  the  committee  be  accepted  and  adopt 
ed. 

The  President  elect  not  being  present  the  Hon.  Henry  Brewster 
took  the  chair  as  Vice  President. 
On  motion,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  the  Executive  Committee  have  power  to  fill  all  va 
cancies  that  may  occur  in  the  officers  of  the  society. 
On  motion,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  the  Rev.  George  Storrs  of  Concord,  N.  H.,  Seth 
Strong,  Esq.  Moses  Breck,  of  Northampton,  Hart  Leavit,  of  Heath, 
and  Col.  Roger  H.  Leavitt,  of  Charlemont,  Mass.,  be  invited  to  take 
seats  in  this  meeting, 
On  motion ^ 

Resolved,  That  Gerrit  Smith,  Esq.  be  invited  to  a  seat,  and  to  take 
part  in  the  deliberations  and  proceedings  of  this  meeting. 
On  motion, 

Resolved,  That  Charles  Stuart,  long  known  as  a  tried  friend  of  ab 
olition,  be  invited  to  a  seat  as  a  member  of  this  meeting. 
On  motion, 

Resolved,  That  the  citizens  of  Peterboro'  agreeing  with  this  society 
in  sentiment,  be  invited  to  take  seats  in  this  meeting. 
On  motion,  it  was 

Resolved,  That  the  Declaration  of  Sentiments  adopted  by  the 
Convention  at  Utica  be  read.  The  reading  of  the  Declaration  of 
Sentiments  took  place. 

The  committee  on  resolutions  announced  that  they  were  ready  to 
make  their  report. 

The  society  took  a  recess  till. half  past  2  o'clock  P.  M. 

2  o'clock  P.  M. 
The  society  convened  and  the  committee  reported  the  following 


16 

RESOLUTIONS. 

1.  Resolved,  That  the  slaves  in  these  United  States,  as  men,  are 
justly  entitled  to  the  rights  and  privileges  claimed  for  all,  by  the  Dec 
laration  of  American  Independence. 

2.  Resolved,  That  holding  men  in  slavery,  being  contrary  to  the 
law  written  on  the  human  heart,  as  well  as  in  the  holy  scriptures  is  a 
sin  AGAINST  GOD. 

3.  Resolved,  That  the  right  of  free  discussion,  given  to  us  by  our 
God,  and  asserted  a  ad  guarded  by  the  laws  of  our  country,  is  a  right 
so  vital  to  man's  freedom  and  dignity  and  usefulness,  that  we  can  nev 
er  be  guilty  of  its  surrender,  without  consenting  to  exchange  that  free 
dom  for  slavery,  and  that  dignity  and  usefulness  for  debasement  and 
worthlcssness. 

4.  Resolved,  That  principles,  opinions,  institutions  and  usages,  which 
cannot  bear  thorough  examination  and  inquiry,  are  unworthy  of  Amer 
icans,  and  ought  to  be  abandoned. 

5.  Resolved,  That  the  time  has  come  to  settle  the  great  question, 
whether  the  north  shall  give  up  its  liberty  to  preserve  slavery  to  the 
south,  or  the  south  shall  give  up  its  slavery  to  preserve  liberty  to  the 
whole  nation. 

6.  Rr.solvr.dj  That  recent  events  have  fully  proved  the  power  of 
free  discussion  to  destroy  slavery. 

7.  Resolved,  That  for  the  appropriate  and  powerful  confirmation 
recently  given  to  the  doctrines  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
in  the  history  of  West  India  emancipation,  we  render  fervent  thanks 
to  the  God  of  the  oppressed. 

8.  Resolved,  That  facts  show,  that  immediate  and  universal  emanci* 
pation  is  the  most  safe  as  well  as  the  only  just  remedy  for  slavery,  and 
that  all  schemes  of  gradual  and  partial  emancipation  are  unjust  in  prin 
ciple  and  dangerous  in  practice. 

9.  Resolved,  That  all  attempts  to  justify  slavery  from  the  Bible, 
are  a  perversion  of  its  principles  and  precepts,  and  eminently  fitted  to 
destroy  confidence  in  its  divine  authority  and  truth. 

10.  Resolved,  That  withholding  the  Bible  from  the  slave,  involves  a 
direct  violation  of  God's  command,  "  Search  the  scriptures." 

11.  Resolved,  That  we  view  the  education  of  the  people  of  color  as 
a  most  important  means  of  bringing  about  the  abolition  of  slavery  and 
the  removal  of  that  prejudice  against  color  which  is  at  once  the  fruit 
and  support  of  the  system  ;  and  that  on  this  account,  we  view  with  high 
approbation  the  conduct  of  those  individuals  and  institutions  that  have 
labored  to  extend  to  them  the  same  information,  in  arts,  literature  and 
science,  which  are  enjoyed  by  the  whites. 

12.  Resolved,  That  Christians,  by  virtue  of  the  commissionv  "  Go 
ye  into  all  the  world  and  preach  the  gospel  to  every  creature,"    are 
citizens  of  the  world,  and  as  such  authorized  to  go  to  the  ends  of 
the  earth  to  bear  testimony  against  all  sin,  and  call  on  all  men  to  re 
pent  of  and  forsake  it — and  therefore  that  for  American1  Christians  to- 
stigmatize  philanthropists,  who  come  from  England  to  plead  for  the1 


17 

oppressed,  as  "  foreigners,"  "  foreign  emmissaries,"  "  aliens,"  &c.,  or 
to  countenance  others  in  doing  it  is  a  practical  denial  of  our  Lord's 
commission,  and  a  direct  condemnation  of  ail  missionary  enterprises. 

13.  Resolved,     That  to  such  of  our  fellow  Christians  as  have  re 
cently  been  subjected  at  the  south  to  cruel  outrage,  under  the  name 
of  punishment,  without  trial  by  jury,  or  even  pretence  of  law,  we  ex 
tend  our  full  and  hearty  sympathy. 

14.  Resolved,  That  wre  regard  the  course  of  those  editors,  who 
have  nobly  dared  to  vindicate  the  right,  and  plead  the  cause  of  the 
oppressed,  with  warm  approbation,  lively  joy,  and  high  hope. 

15.  Resolved,  That  those  men  of  high  pretensions  and  elevated 
stations,  who  have  recently  placed  themselves  at  the  head  of  blind 
and  lawless  mobs,  to  wrest  away  the  plainest  and  dearest  rights  of 
their  fellow  citizens,  are  entitled  to  our  pity  and  our  prayers. 

16.  Resolved,    That  we  deem  it  the  duty  of  parents  to  instil  into 
the  minds  of  their  children  a  deep  abhorrence  of  slavery ;  and  that 
we  cordially  invite  the  co-operation  of  the  young  in  cur  efforts  for  its 
removal. 

17.  Resolved,  That  this  society  earnestly  invites  the  co-operation 
of  ladies  throughout  the  state,  by  the  formation  of  Ladies'   Anti- 
Slavery  Societies,  wherever  it  can  be  done,  to  act  in  concert  with  this 
society  in  the  great  work  of  emancipation. 

18.  Resolved,  That  slavery  and  the  slave-trade,  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  being  within  the  "  exclusive  jurisdiction"  of  Congress,  in 
volve  the  entire  nation  in  the  guilt  of  slavery  ;  and  that  it  is  the  duty 
of  the  citizens  of  this  state  to  use  vigorous  and  unceasing  exertions, 
through  their  representatives  in  Congress,  to  procure  their  immediate 
abolition. 

19.  Resolved,  That  we  recommend  a  general  observance  of  the 
Monthly  Concert  of  Prayer,  on  the  LAST  MONDAY  EVENING 
of  every  month,  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  throughout  the  world. 

20.  Resolved,    That  this  society  approve  the  resolution  of  the 
American  Anti-Slavery  Society,  to  raise  thirty  thousand  dollars  the 
present  year  for  the  society,  and  is  ready  to  pledge  itself  to  sustain 
them  in  the  effort. 

21.  Resolved,  That  slips  of  paper  be   now  circulated,  and  pledg 
es  and  contributions  taken  up  for  the  funds  of  this  society,  and  that 
the  sums  pledged  be  considered  payable  by  the  first  of  January  next. 

22.  Resolved,  That  the  Executive  Committee  of  this  society  be 
instructed  to  prepare  and  publish,  with  the  proceedings  of  this  meet 
ing,  two  addresses — one  to  abolitionists,  and  the  other  to  the  public 
generally,  on  their  obligations  and  duties  at  the  present  crisis. 

23.  Resolved,  That   the  thanks  of  this  society  be  given  to  the 
Common  Council  of  the  city  of  Utica,  for  the  permission  ijiven  that 
the  Convention,  for  the  formation  of  the  society,  might  be  held  in  the 
Court  room  in  that  city. 

24.  Resolved,  That   the   thanks  of  this  society  be  given  to  the 
Trustees  of  the  2d  Presbyterian  Church  in  Utica,  for  the  use  of  that 

3 


18 

church  for  the  meeting  of  the  New  York  Anti-Slavery  Convention. 

25.  Resolved,  That  the  members  of  this  society  return  their  hear 
ty  thanks  to  the  citizens  of  Peterboro',  for  the  use  of  their  church  on 
the  present  occasion,  and  for  the  kindness  and  hospitality  with  which 
they  have  been  received  and  entertained. 

On  motion, 

Resolved,  That  the  resolutions  just  read  be  adopted.  They  were 
adopted,  unanimously. 

After  the  21st  resolution  was  passed,  subscriptions  and  contribu 
tions  were  taken  up  for  the  treasury  of  the  State  Society,  amounting 
to  upwards  of  $1100.  This  was  swelled  the  next  morning,  by  a 
pledge  of  $100  from  a  young  man  who  is  employed  in  a  neighbor 
ing  county  at  a  salary  of  $300  a  year,  and  several  others  indicating 
a  similar  zeal. 

The  business  of  the  meeting  having  been  thus  happily  completed? 
with  perfect  harmony  within,  and  perfect  tranquility  without,  the  so 
ciety  adjourned,  and  the  assembly  united  in  an  appropriate  prayer 
and  thanksgiving,  offered  by  Rev.  Beriah  Green. 


SPEECH  OF  MR.  GERRIT  SMITH. 

After  the  reading  of  the  third  resolution,  Gerrit  Smith,  Esq.  rose 
and  remarked,  that  he  was  not  a  member  of  the  American  Anti- 
Slavery  Society,  and  not  yet  prepared  to  become  such — that  his  rea 
sons  for  not  approving  of  all  the  plans  and  proceedings  of  the  socie 
ty,  so  far  as  to  unite  himself  with  it,  were  before  the  public  ;  and 
that  it  would  be  both  unseasonable  and  egotistical  for  him  now  to 
mention  them.  He  stood  up  in  the  meeting  under  the  courtesy  of 
its  resolution,  inviting  him  to  take  a  part  in  its  deliberations  and  pro 
ceedings.  Let  me  say,  however,  (said  Mr.  Smith,)  that  the  great 
principles  of  your  society  have  ever  been  my  principles  ;  and,  that  it 
is  meet  that  I  should  share  with  you  in  the  odium  and  peril  of  hold 
ing  those  principles.  At  such  a  time  as  this,  when  you  are  nobly 
jeoparding,  for  truth's  sake,  and  humanity's  sake,  property  and  repu 
tation  and  life,  I  feel  it  to  be  not  only  my  duty,  but  my  privilege  and 
pleasure,  to  identify  myself  with  you,  as  far  as  I  conscientiously  can, 
and  to  expose  my  property  and  reputation  and  life  to  the  same  dan 
gers,  which  threaten  yours.  Passing  events,  (said  Mr.  S.)  admonish 
me  of  the  necessity  there  is,  that  the  friends  of  human  rights  should 
act  in  concert :  and,  with  all  my  objections  to  your  society,  it  is  not 
only  possible,  but  probable,  that  I  shall  soon  find  myself  obliged  to 
become  a  member  of  it. 


19 

But  to  come  to  the  resolution  before  us,  (which  Mr.  S.  said  he  had 
himself  drawn  up,  and  handed  to  the  committee  on  resolutions,)  I 
love  the  free  and  happy  form  of  civil  government  under  which  I  live  : 
not  because  it  confers  new  rights  on  me.  My  rights  all  spring  from  an 
in6nitely  nobler  source — from  the  favor  and  grace  of  God.  Our  polit 
ical  and  constitutional  rights,  so  called,  are  but  the  natural  and  inherent 
rights,  of  man,  asserted,  carried  out,  and  secured  by  modes  of  human 
contrivance.  To  no  human  charter  am  I  indebted  for  my  rights.  They 
pertain  to  my  original  constitution  :  and  I  read  them  in  that  Book  of 
books,  which  is  the  great  Charter  of  man's  rights.  No,  the  constitu 
tions  of  my  nation  and  state  create  none  of  my  rights.  They  do,  at 
the  most,  but  recognize  what  is  not  theirs  to  give. 

My  reason  therefore,  for  loving  a  republican  form  of  government, 
and  for  preferring  it  to  any  other — to  monarchial  and  despotic  govern 
ments — is,  not  that  it  clothes  me  with  rights,  which  these  withhold 
from  me  ;  but,  that  it  makes  fewer  encroachments  than  they  do,  on 
the  rights,  which  God  gave  me — on  the  divinely  appointed  scope  of 
man's  agency.  I  prefer,  in  a  word,  the  republican  system,  because 
it  comes  up  more  nearly  to  God's  system.  It  is  not  then  to  the  con 
stitutions  of  my  nation  and  state,  that  I  am  indebted  for  the  right  of 
free  discussion  ;  though  I  am  thankful  for  the  glorious  defence  with 
which  those  instruments  surround  that  right.  No,  God  himself  gave 
me  this  right ;  and  a  sufficient  proof  that  He  did  so,  is  to  be  found 
in  the  fact,  that  He  requires  me  to  exercise  it.  Take  from  the  men, 
who  compose  the  church  of  Christ  on  earth,  the  right  of  free  discus 
sion,  and  you  disable  them  for  His  service.  They  are  now  the  lame 
and  the  dumb  and  the  blind.  In  vain  is  it  now,  that  you  bid  them 
*'  hold  forth  the  word  of  life" — in  vain  that  you  bid  them  "  not  to  suf 
fer  sin  upon  a  neighbor,  but  in  any  wise  rebuke  him" — in  vain  is  it, 
that  you  bid  them  "  go  into  all  the  world,  and  preach  the  gospel  to 
every  creature."  If  God  made  me  to  be  one  of  his  instruments  for 
carrying  forward  the  salvation  of  the  world,  then  is  the  right  of  free 
discussion  among  my  inherent  rights  ;  then  may  I,  must  I,  speak  of 
sin,  any  sin,  every  sin,  that  comes  in  my  way — any  sin,  every  sin, 
which  it  is  my  duty  to  search  out  and  to  assail.  When,  therefore, 
this  right  is  called  in  question,  then  is  the  invasion,  riot  of  something 
obtained  from  human  convention  and  human  concession  ;  but  the  in 
vasion  of  a  birthright — of  that  which  is  as  old  as  our  being,  and  a 
part  of  the  original  man. 

This  right,  so  sacred,  is  sought  to  be  trammelled.  It  is  virtually 
denied.  What  I  have  said  is  introductory  to  the  expression  of  my 
dissent  from  the  tenor  of  the  language,  with  which  this  invasion  is 
generally  met.  This  right  is,  for  the  most  part,  defended  on  the 
ground,  that  it  is  given  to  us  by  our  political  constitutions  ;  and  that 
it  was  purchased  for  us  by  the  blood  and  toil  of  our  fathers.  Now,  I 
wish  to  see  its  defence  placed  on  its  true  and  infinitely  higher  ground; 
on  the  ground,  that  God  gave  it  to  us  ;  and  that  he  who  violates  or 
betrays  it>  is  guilty,  not  alone  of  dishonoring  the  laws  of  his  country 


20 

and  the  blood  and  toil  and  memory  of  his  fathers  ;  but,  that  he  is  guilty 
also  of  making  war  upon  God's  plan  of  man's  constitution  and  en 
dowment  ;  and  of  attempting  to  narrow  down  and  destroy  that  digni 
ty,  with  which  God  invested  him,  when  He  made  him  in  his  own  im 
age,  and  but  "  little  lower  than  the  angels."  When,  therefore,  we 
would  defend  this  right,  let  us  not  defend  it  so  much  with  the  jealousy 
of  an  American— a  Republican  ;  as  though  it  were  but  an  American 
or  a  Republican  right,  and  could  claim  no  higher  origin  than  human 
will  and  human  statutes  ;  but  let  us  defend  it  as  men,  feeling  that  to 
lose  it,  is  to  lose  a  part  of  ourselves  ;  let  us  defend  it  as  men,  deter 
mined  to  maintain,  even  to  their  extreme  boundary,  the  rights  and 
powers,  which  God  has  given  to  us  for  our  usefulness  and  enjoyment ; 
and  the  surrender  of  an  iota  of  which  is  treason  against  Heaven. 

There  is  one  class  of  men,  whom  it  especially  behoves  to  be  tena 
cious  of  the  right  of  free  discussion.  I  mean  the  poor.  The  rich 
and  the  honorable,  if  divested  of  this  right,  have  still  their  wealth  and 
their  honors  to  repose  on,  and  to  solace  them.  But,  when  the  poor 
are  stripped  of  this  right,  they  are  poor  indeed.  The  unhappy  men, 
who  composed  the  mob  in  IJtica  yesterday,  are  of  this  class.  May 
they  yet  learn,  and  before  it  is  too  late,  how  suicidal  was  the  violence, 

TO    WHICH  THE    LIPS  AND    PENS  OF    THEIR  SUPERIORS    STIMULATED 

THEM  :  and,  that,  in  attacking  this  most  precious  right  in  your  per 
sons,  they  wpre  most  efficiently  contributing  to  hasten  its  destruction 
in  their  own  ;  a  right  too  in  respect  to  which  the  poor  man  is  the  equal 
of  the  richest  and  the  proudest ;  and  his  possession  of  which  is  all, 
that  saves  him  from  being  trampled  upon  in  Republican  America  by 
the  despotism  of  wealth  and  titles,  as  that  despotism  tramples  upon 
him  elsewhere,  where  he  is  not  permitted  to  tell  the  story  of  his 
wrongs,  and  to  resist  oppression  by  that  power,  which  even  wealth 
and  titles  cannot  withstand — the  power  of  the  lips  and  the  Press.  Let 
the  poor  man  count  as  his  enemy,  and  his  worst  enemy,  every  invader 
of  the  right  of  free  discussion. 

We  are  threatened  with  legislative  restraints  on  this  right,  Let  us 
tell  our  legislators  in  advance,  that  this  is  a  right,  restraints  on  which, 
we  will  not,  cannot  bear  ;  and  that  every  attempt  to  restrain  it  is  a 
palpable  wrong  on  God  and  man.  Submitting  to  these  restraints, 
we  could  not  be  what  God  made  us  to  be  ;  we  could  not  perform  the 
service,  to  which  He  has  appointed  us  ;  we  could  not  be  men.  Laws 
to  gag  a  man — to  congeal  the  gushing  fountains  of  his  heart's  sym 
pathy — and  to  shrivel  up  his  soul  by  extinguishing  its  ardor  and  gen 
erosity — are  laws  not  to  assist  him  in  carrying  out  God's  high  and 
holy  purposes  in  calling  him  into  being  ;  but  they  are  laws  to  throw 
him  a  passive,  mindless,  worthless  being  at  the  feet  of  despotism. 

And  to  what  end  is  it  that  we  are  called  on  to  hold  our  tongues, 
and  throw  down  our  pens,  and  give  up  our  influence  ?  Were  it  for 
a  good  object,  and  could  we  conceive  that  such  a  sacrifice  would  pro 
mote  it,  there  would  be  a  color  of  fitness  in  asking  us  to  do  so.  But, 
this  is  a  sacrifice,  which  righteousness  and  humanity  never  invoke. 


Truth  and  mercy  require  the  exertion — never  the  suppression,  of  man's 
noble  rights  and  powers.  We  are  called  on  to  degrade  and  unman 
ourselves,  and  to  withhold  from  others  that  influence,  which  we  are 
bound  to  exert  upon  them,  to  the  end  that  the  victim  of  oppression 
may  lie  more  quietly  beneath  the  foot  of  his  oppressor  ;  to  the  end, 
that  one  sixth  of  our  countrymen,  plundered  of  their  dearest  rights 
— of  their  bodies,  and  minds,  and  souls — may  never  know  of  those 
rights ;  to  the  end,  that  TWO  MILLIONS  AND  A  HALF  of  our 
fellow  men,  crushed  in  the  iron  folds  of  slavery,  may  remain  in  all 
their  suffering  and  debasement  and  despair.  It  is  for  such  an  object 
— an  object  so  wicked  and  inexpressibly  mean — that  we  are  called 
on  to  lie  down  beneath  the  slaveholders'  blustering  and  menace,  like 
whipped  and  trembling  spaniels.  We  reply,  that  our  Republican  spi 
rit  cannot  thus  succumb ;  and,  what  is  infinitely  more,  that  God  did 
not  make  us—that  Jesus  did  not  redeem  us,  for  such  sinful  and  vile 
uses. 

We  knew  before,  that  slavery  could  not  endure,  could  not  survive 
free  discussion ;  that  the  minds  of  men  could  not  remain  firm  and 
their  consciences  quiet  under  the  continued  appeals  of  truth,  and 
justice,  and  mercy  :  but  the  demand,  which  slaveholders  now  make 
on  us  to  surrender  the  right  of  free  discussion,  together  with  their 
avowed  reasons  for  this  demand,  involves  their  own  full  concession, 
that  free  discussion  is  incompatible  with  slavery.  The  South  now 
admits  by  her  own  showing,  that  slavery  cannot  live,  unless  the  North 
be  tongue-tied.  But  we  have  two  objections  to  being  thus  tongue- 
tied.  One  is,  that  we  desire  and  purpose  to  exert  all  our  powers  and 
influence — lawfully,  temperately,  kindly — to  persuade  the  slavehold 
ers  of  the  south  to  deliver  our  colored  brethren  from  their  bonds ; 
nor  shall  we  give  rest  to  our  lips  or  pens,  until  this  righteous  object 
is  accomplished  :  and  the  other  is5  that  we  are  not  willing  to  be  slaves 
ourselves.  The  enormous  and  insolent  demands  of  the  South,  sus 
tained,  I  am  deeply  ashamed  to  say,  by  craven  and  mercenary  spirits 
at  the  North,  manifest,  beyond  all  dispute,  that  the  question  now  is, 
not  merely.,  nor  mainly,  whether  the  blacks  at  the  south  shall  remain 
slaves — but  whether  the  whites  at  the  North  shall  become  slaves  also. 
And  thus,  whilst  we  are  endeavoring  to  break  the  yokes,  which  are 
on  other's  necks,  we  are  to  see  to  it,  that  yokes  are  not  imposed  on 
our  own. 

Is  it  said  that  the  South  will  not  molest  our  freedom,  if  we  will 
not  disturb  their  slavery — if  we  will  not  insist  on  the  liberty  to  speak 
and  write  about  this  abomination'?  Our  reply  is.  that  God  gave  us 
the  freedom  for  which  we  contend — that  it  is  not  a  freedom  bestowed 
by  man  ; — not  an  ex  gratia  freedom,  which  we  have  received  at  the 
hands  of  the  South  ; — not  a  freedom,  which  stands,  on  the  one  hand, 
in  the  surrender  of  our  dearest  rights,  and,  on  the  other,  in  the  con 
ceded  perpetuity  of  the  body  and  mind  and  soul-crushing  system  of 
American  slavery.  We  ask  not,  we  accept  not,  we  scornfully  reject, 
the  conditional  and  worthless  freedom,  which  the  South  proffers  us. 


22 

It  is  not  to  be  disguised,  that  a  war  has  broken  out  between  the 
North  and  the  South.  Political  and  commercial  men  are  industrious 
ly  striving  to  restore  peace  :  but  the  peace  which  they  would  effect, 
is  superficial,  false,  and  temporary.  True,  permanent  peace  can  nev 
er  be  restored,  until  slavery,  the  occasion  of  the  war,  has  ceased. 
The  sword,  which  is  no\v  drawn,  will  never  be  returned  to  its  scab 
bard,  until  victory,  entire,  decisive  victory  is  ours  or  theirs  ;  not,  un 
til  that  broad  and  deep  and  damning  stain  on  our  country's  escutch 
eon  is  clean  washed  out — that  plague  spot  on  our  country's  honor 
gone  forever;  or,  until  slavery  has  riveted  anew  her  present  chains, 
and  brought  our  heads  also  to  bow  beneath  her  withering  power.  It 
js  idle— It  is  criminal,  to  hope  Tor  the  restoration  of  peace,  on  any 
other  condition.  Why,  not  to  speak  of  other  outrages,  which  the 
South  has  practised  on  the  rights  and  persons  of  Northern  men,  who 
can  rend  the  simple  and  honest  account  which  Amos  Dresser  gives 
of  his  sufiering.s  :it  the  hands  of  slaveholders,  and  still  flatter  himself 
with  the  belie!*,  thnt  the  North  can  again  shake  hands  with  slavery  ?  If 
the  church  members  and  church  elders,  who  sat  in  mode  judgment  on 
that  young  man's  case  could  be  impelled  by  the  infernal  spirit  of 
slp.vety  to  such  lawless,  ruffian  violence  ;  how  can  any  reasonable 
hope  remain,  that,  whilst  the  south,  remains  under  ihe  malign  influ 
ences  of  slavery,  its  general  demeanor  towards  Ihe  North  can  be  even 
tolerable?  The  head  and  f/out  of  Dresser's  offending,  was  his 
connexion  with  an  Anti-Slavery  Society  m  a  distant,  slate  ;  and 
for  this  be  way  subjected  by  professors,  and  titled  professors  too,  of 
the  meek  and  jK&tccful  religion  of  Jesus,  lo  corporal  punishment- 
public,  disirracefi'l,  sc\cre. 

Who  sluill  be  mustered  on  our  side  for  this  great  battle?  Not  the 
many.  The  many  never  come  to  such  u  side  as  ours,  until  attracted 
to  it  by  palpable  and  uncfpiivocal  signs  of  its  triumph.  Nor  do  we 
need  the  many.  A  chosen  Jew  are  all  we  need.  Nor,  do  we  desire 
tho.se,  who  are  skilful  in  the  use  of  ca.ru.il  weapons.  For  such  weap 
ons  we  have  no  use.  Truth  and  love  are  inscribed  OM  our  banners, 
and  "  by  these  we  conquer."  There  is  no  room  in  our  ranks  lor  the 
polilicinn,  who,  to  secure  the  votes  of  the  South,  would  consent  that 
American  slavery  be  perpetual.  There  is  no  room  in  them  for  the 
commercial  man,  who,  to  secure  the  trade  of  the  South,  is  ready  to 
applaud  the  institution  of  slavery,  and  to  leave  his  countrymen — his 
brethren — their  children,  and  children's  children — subjected  to  its 
tender  mercies,  throughout  all  future  time.  We  have  no  room,  no 
work  for  such.  We  wont  men,  who  stand  on  the  rock  of  Christian 
principles;  men  who  will  speak,  and  write,  and  act  with  invincible 
honesty  and  firmness  ;  men,  who  will  vindicate  the  right  of  discus 
sion,  knowing  that  it  is  derived  from  God  ;  and  who,  knowing  this, 
will  vindicate  ii  against  all  the  threats  and  arts  of  demagogues,  and 
money  worshippers,  and  in  the  face  of  mobs,  and  of  dealh.  There 
is  room  in  our  ranks  for  the  old  and  decrepit,  as  well  as  the  young 
and  vigorous.  The  hands  that  are  tremulous  with  years,  are  the  best 


23 

hands  to  grasp  the  sword  of  the  spirit.  The  aged  servants  of  God 
best  know  how  "  to  move  the  arm  which  moves  the  world/'  Our 
work,  in  a  word*  is  the  work  of  God ;  and  they  are  the  best  suited 
to  it,  who  are  most  accustomed  to  do  his  work. 


TO  THE  CITIZENS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES: 

FELLOW  CITIZENS — 

Our  country  justly  glories  in  what  she  has  done  for  the  liberties  of 
the  world.  From  the  solemn  hour  in  which  she  took  her  rank  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth,  she  has  shown,  by  her  domestic  peace  and 
by  an  unexampled  progress  in  wealth,  arts  and  intelligence,  that  the 
government  of  a  people  by  their  own  laws,  is  the  best  of  all  govern 
ments.  She  has  shown  that  the  true  policy  of  a  nation  is  in  opening 
the  fountains  of  knowledge  to  all,  mid  acknowledging  no  nobility  but 
that  of  noble  deeds.  Her  constitutional  and  hitherto  cherished  free 
dom  of  speech  and  of  the  pi-ess,  has  brought  the  hoarded  wisdom  of 
ages  home  to  the  poor  as  well  as  to  the  rich.  Her  Christianity  has 
sent  its  healing  balm  to  the  perishing  of  the  most  distant  lands,  and 
her  example  has  been  the  day-star  of  hope  to  oppressed  millions. 
But  however  high  her  claims  to  our  love  and  admiration*  our  country 
is  far  from  faultless. 

Within  the  United  States  are  two  million  and  two  hundred  and  fif 
ty  thousand  slaves.  Of  these  some  were  dragged  away  from  Africa 
by  the  hand  of  the  kidnapper;  and  by  Jar  the  greater  part,  were  sto 
len  in  this  country  from  their  mother's  bosoms.  All,  men,  women  and 
children,  were  reduced  to  their  present  condition  by  a  system  of  fraud 
and  violence*  Under  this  system,  made  up  of  usages  and  laws,  and 
maintained  by  public  sentiment,  they  have  nothing  but  their  chains, 
which  they  can  call  their  own.  They  are  placed  under  the  control  of 
others.  This  control  has  scarcely  a  limit,  check*  or  restraint.  They 
may  be  stung  with  insults,  goaded  with  whips,  crushed  with  burdens. 
They  may  be  starved*  polluted,  slaughtered  with  impunity.  The  sys 
tem  under  which  they  are  placed,  forbids  them  to  claim  as  their  own, 
the  reason,  conscience,  and  heart  which  belong  to  their  nature.  They 
have  no  right  to  study  and  obey  the  commands  of  their  Creator  and 
their  Judge.  They  are  mere  property — good  for  nothing  else  than 
to  gratify  the  passion  and  subserve  the  interest  of  any  owner  who 
may  chance  to  hold  them.  Such  is  the  system  of  American  Slavery. 

The  fruits  of  this  system  are  well  worthy  of  its  obvious  tenden 
cies.  On  the  one  side,  it  has  produced  tyranny  of  the  worst  stamp, 
eager*  loud  and  exorbitant  in  its  demands,  inexorable  and  determined 


24 

in  its  exactions  ,  on  the  other,  the  most  unquestioning  and  crouching 
servility.  On  the  one  side,  we  have  open-jawed,  insatiable  cupidity  ; 
on  the  other,  the  exhaustion  of  unmitigated  toil ;  the  emaciation  of 
unsatisfied  hunger  ;  the  scars  of  the  merciless  lash.  On  the  one 
side,  we  have  cherished  passion  and  pampered  lust ;  blind,  headlong, 
and  spurning  all  control,  impatient  of  the  least  restraint ;  on  the  oth 
er,  the  forced  submission  of  loathing,  helpless  virtue,  or  the  ready 
compliance  of  thoughtless,  practiced  vice.  On  every  side  and  at  all 
times,  we  are  surrounded  with  the  ruins  of  benighted  reason,  be 
numbed  conscience,  and  stony  hearts.  We  see  on  every  hand,  im 
placable  malignity,  envenomed  spite,  and  murderous  hate.  Passions 
we  see  of  monstrous  growth  and  gigantic  power — bosoms  fretted 
with  anxiety,  racked  with  suspicion,  rent  with  fear — the  big  tear,  the 
deep  groan,  the  fresh  blood.  Such  are  the  fruits  which  slavery  every 
day  and  in  a  thousand  places  is  producing. 

We  do  not  reproach  the  people  of  the  South  as  exclusively  origin 
ating  this  bondage.  For  its  origin  the  people  of  the  North  are  per 
haps  equally,  certainly  to  a  great  extent,  responsible.  And  we  think 
that  its  continuance  depends  more  upon  Northern  prejudice,  avarice, 
and  sophistry  than  upon  Southern  pride  and  luxury.  The  guilt  of 
this  fearful  iniquity  rests  upon  the  whole  Republic.  Multitudes  of  our 
Northern  youth  yearly  rush  to  the  South  to  buy  and  sell  and  get 
gain  by  the  possession  of  slaves.  Even  ministers  of  religion  go 
from  us,  first  to  tolerate,  then  to  excuse,  then  to  participate  in  the 
crime.  In  no  less  numbers  do  Southern  slaveholders  flock  to  the 
North,  here  to  be  courted,  flattered  and  upheld  in  their  hereditary  op 
pression.  It  is  trifling  with  the  most  sacred  feeling,  and  the  most 
solemn  responsibilities  to  tell  us  that  we  are  not  interested  in  the 
question  of  slavery. 

On  a  system  charged  with  such  tendencies,  and  yielding  such 
fruits,  can  we  look  with  heartless  indifference  1  We  are  men.  We 
reverence  and  honor  human  nature.  We  see  impressed  upon  it  the 
stamp  of  divinity  and  immortality.  In  every  man  we  own  a  kins 
man.  The  bond  of  brotherhood  ,is  strong.  Can  we  seethe  image 
of  our  Creator  in  his  handy  work  rudely  treated  and  recklessly  de 
faced,  without  disgust  and  horror.  Can  we  see  our  unoffending 
brethren  kneeling  in  chains  at  our  feet  without  feeling  every  fraternal 
sympathy  aroused  ?  In  slavery,  we  see  our  very  nature  st'ormed,  beat 
down,  and  dragged  away  in  fetters.  We  ourselves  are  thus  trodden  in 
the  mire.  And  can  we  see  our  nature  crushed  under  iron  hoofs  with 
out  feeling  our  degradation  and  our  danger  ?  Must  we  be  deaf  to 
the  voices  which  like  repeated  claps  of  thunder  break  upon  our  ears, 
urging  us  to  rouse  up  and  bestir  ourselves  ;  to  summon  all  our  pow 
ers  to  the  fearful  stritb  which  puts  our  all  in  jeopardy  1 

We  are  christians.  Can  we  see  the  objects  of  our  Savior's  deep 
pity  and  tender  love — of  his  exhausting  labors  and  agonizing  suffer 
ings,  spurned  as  vile,  and  thrown  away  as  worthless,  without  emo 
tion  ?  Is  it  nothing  to  us,  that  our  brothers  and  sisters  in  the  family 


25 

of  Christ  are  herded  with  swine — exposed  to  more  killing  injuries 
than  their  brute  companions  are  capable  of  suffering  1  Are  we  to 
see  professed  Christians  with  their  religious  teachers  "  offending" 
even  to  trampling  in  the  dust  "  the  little  ones"  of  Christ  without  en 
treaty,  remonstrance,  or  rebuke  1  Are  we  to  see  the  holy  Bible,  the 
great  charter  of  human  freedom  perverted  by  violence  the  most  tor 
turing  and  sophistry  the  most  deceptive,  into  the  text-book  of  slavery 
without  an  effort  to  rescue  it  from  the  profane  hands,  which  are  tos 
sing  its  sacred  leaves  to  the  winds  1  Are  we  thus  to  see  the  very  foun 
dations  of  the  Christian  temple  broken  up  without  directing  a  thought 
or  an  effort  to  its  preservation  1 

We  are  Americans.  Can  we  contemplate  arrangements  and  usa 
ges,  widely  current,  and  strenuously  maintained,  which  are  subver 
sive  of  the  first  principles,  on  which  our  free  institutions  are  founded 
without  indignation  and  alarm  1  Shall  we  look  tamely  on,  and  see 
petty  tyrants  in  pride  and  pomp,  stalk  haughtily  along  into  the  very 
sanctuary  of  the  temple  of  freedom,  with  a  long  train  of  cringing, 
broken-hearted  vassals — there  to  mount  their  thrones  and  wield  their 
sceptres  ;  aye,  and  with  an  assurance  which  would  make  brass  blush, 
insolently  call  upon  American  freemen  to  reverence  and  defend  their 
regal  honors  ?  And  are  we  to  be  told  that  we  are  in  duty  bound  to 
offer  up  our  fortunes,  our  sacred  honor,  our  very  lives  a  sacrifice  to 
their  majesty  ?  And  shall  such  claims  be  impudently  urged  upon  us 
in  the  most  provoking  lorms,  and  our  blood  flow  evenly  along  with 
out  a  quickening  impulse  from  the  heart?  Have  we  sold  our  birth 
right  for  a  mess  of  pottage  ;  and  are  we  hence  forward  to  be  faithful, 
uncomplaining  slaves  I  Perish  the  thought ! 

In  what  light  then,  are  we  to  view  the  relations  established  and 
maintained  by  the  American  system  of  slavery  1  As  most  unnatural 
clearly.  The  elements  of  freedom  are  wrought  into  the  constitution 
of  every  human  being.  His  endowments  indicate  the  will  of  his 
Creator.  With  reason,  conscience,  will,. he  was  evidently  made  to 
act  as  a  free-agent.  While  in  seeking  his  own  happiness,  he  respects 
the  rights  of  others,  it  is  the  stern  demand  of  nature's  God,  that  he 
should  be  let  alone — left  unmolested  to  pursue  such  objects  as  may 
best  subserve  his  interests.  The  whole  system  of  American  slavery 
arises  from  a  bold  and  stout  resistance  of  this  demand.  It  is  a  fla 
grant  Violation  of  the  laws  under  which  human  nature  is  placed.  Of 
the  authoritative  exposition  of  these  laws,  which  their  Author  has 
given  in  the  Bible,  slavery  is  a  most  wanton  and  presumptuous  trans 
gression.  Its  tendencies,  and  influences,  and  effects,  are  obviously 
and  glaringly  adverse  to  the  two  great  Christian  precepts  in  which  all 
moral  laws  are  comprehended  and  embodied.  The  spirit  of  this  sys 
tem  like  a  destroying  angel,  transforms  the  neighbors  whom  we  are 
to  love  as  ourselves  into  a  herd  of  cattle,  whom  we  may  caress  or 
kill,  as  best  suits  our  sovereign  pleasure.  Every  relation  defined  in 
the  law  of  God,  slavery  disturbs  and  deranges.  Every  obligation 
enforced  by  the  law,  slavery  breaks  asunder  and  tramples  in  the  dust, 

4 


26 

As  a  system,  if  is  directly  subversive  of  the  fundamental  principles 
of  the  divine  government.  It  is  a  system  of  rebellion  against  heav 
en.  Every  act  of  conformity  to  such  a  system  MUST  FE  SIN.  As  sin, 
we  abhor  and  denounce  it.  This  conclusion  is  in  the  strictest  accor 
dance  with  the  doctrines,  on  which  the  American  Revolution  proceed 
ed.  The  natural  equality  of  mankind  was  with  the  heroes  of  1776, 
a  fundamental  truth  ;  most  heartily  received,  most  confidently  assert 
ed  most  strenuously  maintained.  In  the  clear  and  certain  light, 
which  this  truth  shed's  around  us,  we  cannot  for  a  moment  refuse  to 
see,  or  hesitate  to  declare  that  slaveholding  is  a  sin. 

Be  it  distinctly  understood  what  we  plainly  affirm,  that  in  denoun 
cing  and  opposing  slavery  as  a  prime  object  of  attention  and  of  in 
terest,  we  keep  our  eyes  fixed  on  the  relation  itself,  which  slavery  es- 
tablishe  .  The  kindness  or  the  cruelty  of  those  who  maintain  this, 
relation,  is  in  our  view,  a  matter  of  very  small  importance.-  The  re 
lation  itself  of  master  and  slave,  however  modified,  has  our  unmihgled 
abhorrence.  We  do  not  deny*- that  accidental  circumstances  may  in 
particular  cases  greatly  mitigate  the  evils  naturally  belonging  to  this 
relation.  The  withering  tendencies  of  despotism,  the  most  absolute 
and  irresponsible  have  sometimes  been  accidentally  counteracted.- 
But  accident  cannot  neutralize  natural  tendency.  The  one  is  inher 
ent  and  permanent.  The  other  only  occasional  and  transitory.  Of 
the  relation,  which  slavery  establishes,  whether  we  regard  its  certain 
tendencies  or  actual  effects,  we  deeply  feel  and  plainly  declare  our 
solemn,  settled,  full  conviction,  that  it  ought  instantly ',  universally,  and 
Jbrever  to  be  broken  up. 

In  asserting  and  maintaining  the  doctrine  of  immediate  emancipa 
tion,  we  make  a  broad  distinction  between  our  convictions  of  what 
OUGHT,  and  our  expectations  of  what  WILL,  be  done.  These  two- 
things,  we  cannot  confound  with  each  other.  To  bring  men  gradu 
ally,  and  one  by  one,  to  yield  to  the  claims  of  rectitude,  their  obliga 
tions  immediately  and  universally  to  submit  to  these  demands  must 
be  urged  upon  them.  The  doctrine  of  gradual  repentance  is  false  in 
theory,  mischievous  in  tendency,  and  disastrous  in  its  results.  Such 
a  doctrine,  applied  to  slaveholding,  would  leave  that  monstrous  sin- 
to  scatter,  far  and  wide,  firebrands,  arrows,  and  death,  unrebuked  and 
unchecked,  forever  ! 

When  we  demand,  for  the  slaves,  immediate  and  universal  eman^ 
cipation,  we  declare,  that  we  are  heartily  and  decisively  opposed  to 
their  being  turned  "  loose"  upon  the  world.  Long  enough  have  they 
been  treated  like  brute  beasts.  They  are  neither  snakes  nor 
tigers.  THEY  ARE  MEN.  As  men,  they  can  understand  the  mean 
ing,  fulfill  the  obligations,  and  enjoy  the  protection  of  good  and  use 
ful  laws.  To  such  laws,  they  are  fully  and  fairly  entitled.  That 
they  may  be  delivered  from  the  despotism  of  unrestrained  passion, 
and  placed  under  the  protection  and  restraint  of  healthful  legislation, 
is  the  earnest  plea,  we  make,  in  their  behalf. 


27 

This  arrangement  ought  immediately  to  take  place.  It  is  demand 
ed  by  the  government  of  God,  which  'is  administered  with  the  strict 
est,  sternest  adherence  to  perfect  rectitude.  It  is  demanded  by  bu 
sman  nature,  which  yearns  with  maternal  tenderness  over  her  suffer 
ing  children,  and  will  not  be  comforted  till  they  are  restored  to  the 
light  and  life  of  holy  freedom.  It  is  demanded  by  the  spirit  of  the 
Gospel,  whose  eye  runneth  down  with  teais,  while  fixed  upon  the 
deadly  scars  with  which  oppression  lacerates  the  bosom  of  the  Sav 
ior.  It  is  demanded  by  the  welfare  of  the  oppressor,  who  is  busily 
engaged  in  building  an  altar  where  he  may  offer  up  himself  a  sacrifice 
JLo  mammon.  It  is  demanded  by  the  intolerable  wrongs  under  which 
the  slave  is  crushed.  Heaven  and  earth,  all  nature,  above,  around,  with 
in  us,  join  in  the  demand,  that  to  holy  freedom  should  be  given  im 
mediate  and  universal  prevalence. 

To  affect  an  arrangement  of  such  a  renovating  and  redeeming  in 
fluence,  we  feel  sacredly  bound  to  contirbute  what  we  can  consistently 
with  our  various  obligations.  We  cannot  fight.  We  have  neither 
the  spirit  nor  the  munitions  of  war.  Legislate  we  cannot.  The  law- 
making  power  is  not  ours  to  wield.  Those,  however,  to  whom  this 
power  is  intrusted,  are  placed  within  our  reach.  In  our  various  in 
tercourse  with  them  we  are  at  liberty  to  try  what  moral  suasion  may 
effect.  To  those  especially  to  whom  the  control  of  the  District  of 
Columbia  is  committed,  we  have  free  access.  To  them  we  may  pre 
sent  our  views  and  feelings  in  the  form  of  argument,  petition  and  re 
monstrance,  and  they  are  bound  to  listen  to  our  words,  even  if  they 
do  not  accede  to  our  requests.  We  do  not  choose  to  forget,  that  we 
have  our  share  in  forming  public  sentiment — the  supreme  authority  in 
this  republic,  to  which  all  other  powers  must  bow.  To  this  slavery 
owes  its  origin  and  continuance.  The  power  which  created  can  de 
stroy.  On  how  small  a  scale  must  slavery  at  first  have  been  attempt 
ed.  A  wretch  or  two  by  fraud  and  violence,  reduced  a  fellow  creature 
to  subservency  to  their  will.  By  appealing  to  the  worst  passions  of 
those  around  them,  they  were  permitted  to  maintain  their  usurped  au 
thority.  A  partnership  in  robbery  was  formed.  New  victims  were 
seized.  The  bonds  of  wickedness  were  strengthened.  Power  and 
•cunning  were  combined  to  arrange  and  perfect  a  system  of  oppression. 
At  length,  as  the  finishing  stroke  of  the  foulest  policy  which  ever  out 
raged  heaven  and  disgraced  the  earth,  the  solemnity  and  authority  of 
law  were  employed  to  protect  and  uphold  an  extensive  and  complica 
ted  scheme  of  theft,  adultery  and  murder.  THIS  is  THE  SCHEME  OF 
AMERICAN  SLAVERY.  Kidnappers,  and  man-stealers.  and  slavehold 
ers,  furnish  a  lesson  of  instruction  which  we  are  ready  to  reduce  to 
practice.  Our  utmost  we  will  do  to  draw  otheis  into  this  sacred  sym 
pathy  with  ourselves.  We  will  combine  our  strength.  The  circle  of 
our  influence  we  will  labor  continually  to  enlarge.  We  will  exert 
ourselves  to  direct  public  sentiment  into  a  new  channel.  We  will 
not  give  sleep  to  our  eyes  till  we  see  such  usages,  arrangements  and 
laws,  introduced  as  are  in  the  highest  degree  friendly  to  Holy  Free- 


28 

And  we  dare  hope  for  success.  In  opposition  to  the  govern 
ment  of  God  slavery  has  been  introduced,  in  accordance  with  the  govern 
ment  of  God  slavery  shall  be  destroyed. 

If  any  who  deplore  the  evils  of  slavery  are  faint-hearted, -and  de 
spair  of  success,  we  ask  them  not  to  join  us.  The  struggle,  no  doubt 
js  arduous,  it  may  cost  life,  but  the  victory  is  sure.  We  are  not  rush 
ing  io  an  untried  experiment.  Half  a  century  ago,  the  African  slave 
trade  was  a  prime  branch  of  commerce  of  every  civilized  nation,  en- 
gulphing  capital  and  enterprize,  and  making  large  masses  of  men  tri 
butary  to  its  support,  and  dependent  upon  its  unhallowed  gains.  It 
had  fortified  itself  in  law  and  sophistry,  and  had  even  stolen  indul 
gence  from  the  word  of  God.  From  this  source  proud  cities  drew 
their  wealth.  Yet  this  great  branch  of  the  evil  was  attacked.  The 
assailants  were  at  first  few  and  despised.  Year  after  year  they  toiled 
against  hope,  suffered  unmeasured  abuse,  and  were  accounted  pesti- 
Jent  disturbers  of  the  public  peace.  Now  who,  even  of  our  revilers, 
dares  to  avow  himself  the  advocate  of  the  African  slave  trade.  In 
Britain  the  spirit  that  triumphed  over  the  slave  trade,  aroused  by  the 
,ever  growing  evils  of  slavery,  has  proclaimed  freedom  to  her  800,000 
slaves.  Her  glorious  example,  while  it  rebukes  our  sloth,  confirms 
our  doctrines.  The  victory  was  achieved,  not  by  thj  power  of  the 
imperial  parliament,  but  by  the  moral  sentiment  of  the  people.  Even 
on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  our  doctrines  are  not  novel.  Long  ago 
their  power  was  felt.  The  immortal  names  of  Franklin,  Rush  and 
Jay,  will  m  coming  time  derive  their  chief  lustre  from  their  opposition 
to  slavery.  With  regard  to  .many  others  now  not  less  illustrious,  pos 
terity  will  regret  only  that  their  practice  did  not  conform  to  their  glo 
rious  principles.  Ours  are  doctrines  avowed  by  the  best  patriots,  ev 
er  since  the  revolution.  The  only  reason  why  others  in  the  same 
struggle  have  not  succeeded  before  us,  is,  that  in  carrying  their  prin 
ciples  into  organized  action,  they  allowed  them  to  be  modified  to  avoid 
too  rude  a  shock  with  public  opinion— they  bowed  to  what  is  falsely 
called  expediency.  For  all  that  they  affirmed  to  be  the  right  of  the  slave 
we  plead  ;  that  we  unhesitatingly  demand  not  abating  a  particle  of  full 
restitution. 

From  this  struggle  for  the  inalienable  rights  of  our  brethren,  we  can- 
pot  turn  back  if  we  would.  Our  opponents,  by  their  violence,  false 
hoods  and  anti-republican  heresies,  are  making'it  more  imperative  on 

5  to  go  forward.  By  proclaiming  that  slavery  cannot  be  discussed 
without  sunaermg  the  Union,  they  are  showing  that  slavery  threatens 
to  destroy  all  those  blessings  for  which  the  Union  was  form 
ed.  If  it  is  true  that  the  Union  can  be  preserved  only  by  our 
ibstaming  from  moral  and  constitutional  obligations  to  the  slaves  in 
istnct  of  Columbia,  the  Union  is  destroyed  already,  it  exists  on, 
Iy  as  an  arbitrary  despotism.  We  must  be  recreant  to  the  sentiments 

i  which  our  noble  constitution  is  based,  if  we  can  be  deterred  from 
advocating  the  rights  of  man  by  a  threat  so  absurd-from  exercising 

ie  very  freedom  which  this  constitution  was  made  to  guarantee  by 


29 

the  fear  of  pains  and  penalties.  "What  is  it  that  we  are  commanded 
to  sacrifice  on  the  altar  of  slave.iy  ?  Is  it  a  matter  of  dollars  and 
cents  ?  No.  It  is  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  with  it  the  freedom 
of  thought,  the  liberty  of  conscience,  and  of  every  generous  feeling 
of  the  soul.  Who  is  to  be  beneiited  by  this  sacrifice  ?  Not  the 
masters,  for  their  danger  lies  in  the  continuance  of  slavery  and  may 
be  exchanged  for  perlect  safely  by  immediate  emancipation.  Not 
the  slaves,  for  a  change  in  the  moral  sentiment  of  society  is  their  on 
ly  hope,  and  the  only  means  by  which  that  change  can  be  effected  is 
a  free  press.  No — the  press  and  its  blessings  are  to  be  sacrificed, 
because  there  is  too  much  light,  liberty  and  philanthropy  in  the  world 
to  have  a  system  of  wrong  and  outrage  to  go  on  smoothly. 

The  same  reason  that  has  called  for  the  sacrifice  of  martyrs  in  past 
ages  calls  now  for  the  chaining  of  the  press  and  gagging  of  discus 
sion.  Slavery  needs  the  same  sort  of  support  that  tyranny  has  al 
ways  needed.  The  thrones  of  Europe  have  needed  the  partition  of 
Poland,  the  shackling  of  Greece  and  Belgium,  and  the  strangling  at 
the  birth  of  every  infant  republic.  Who  is  at  a  loss,  whether  the 
chains  now  being  riveted  on  the  press  of  France  are  meant  to  secure 
the  liberties  of  the  people,  or  the  power  of  the  king  ]  If  any  of  our 
fellow  citizens  have  become  so  sick  of  liberty  that  they  are  rcndy  to 
follow  the  French  king  in  his  retreat  towards  the  dark  ages,  we  do 
not  care  to  go  with  them,  be  they  few  or  many. 

Opposition  we  expect.  When  did  the  persecutor  and  oppressor 
choose  to  be  exposed  and  counteracted  1.  Never.  WTe  plead  the 
cause  of  the  enslaved.  To  a  share  of  their  sufferings  we  shall, 
doubtless,  be  admitted.  Our  character  and  our  designs  will  be  as- 
sailed.  Artifice  and  violence,  in  every  varied  form,  and  possible 
combination,  we  must  encounter.  The  reckless  profligate,  the  wily 
statesman  and  the  practised  hypocrite  will  unite  their  influence  and 
join  their  forces  to  intimidate  and  overwhelm  the  friends  of  human 
nature.  The  private  circle  and  the  popular  assembly,  the  pulpit  and 
the  press  ;  the  hall  of  legislation  and  the  court  of  justice,  they  will 
,as  far  as  they  are  able,  bring  into  combined  subserviency  to  their  foul 
designs.  The  history  of  the  past  sheds  light  upon  the  future.  For 
vindicating  the  rights  of  the  oppressed,  we  have  already  l)een  visited 
with  slander  the  most  malignant,  the  grossest  falsehood,  the  foulest 
.calumny.  From  one  end. of  the  nation  to  the  other  ;  in  church  and 
state  ;  our  names  have  been  cast  out  as  evil.  The  professed  saint, 
and  the  open  sinner  ;  the  learned  and  the  rude  ;  the  high  and  the 
low  ;  the  slave-holder  of  the  South  and  the  negro-hater  of  the  North, 
have  entered  into  a  conspiracy  against  us.  Our  rights  have  been  in 
vaded,  our  persons  have  been  abused,  our  lives  have  been  threatened, 
But  none  of  these  things  move  us.  Our  adversaries  may  ridicule, 
and  denounce,  and  threaten.  They  subserve  the  cause  they  hate,  by 
forcing  it  upon  the  attention  of  the  nation  and  the  world.  The  loud 
and  angry  voices  which  bid  us  hold  our  tongues,  will  open  thousands 
r>f  ears  to  hear  us.  AND  WE  MUST  AND  WILL  BE  HEARD.  Ours  is 


30 

the  cause  of  God,  and  His  suffering  poor.  The  grave  alone  can 
impose  silence  on  our  lips.  In  such  a  cause,  better  death  than  trea 
son.  We  cannot  pause  in  our  career.  Our  course  is  onward.  While 
we  remember  what  we  are,  whose  we  are,  and  where  we  are,  we  shall 
under  the  Captain  of  our  salvation,  advance  directly  and  resistlessly 
toward  the  goal  which  Heaven  has  set  before  us. 


TO  THE  FRIENDS  OF  IMMEDIATE  AND  UNIVERSAL 
EMANCIPATION. 

BELOVED  BRETHREN — 

Recent  events  connected  with  the  history  of  our  country,  have 
placed  the  tendencies  of  the  American  system  of  Slavery,  in  a  clear 
and  certain  light.  It  was  long  ago  perceived  by  discerning  and  pro 
found  observers,  that  in  this  system  we  had  an  institution  for  the  ed 
ucation  of  a  race  of  tyrants.  The  nourishment  here  afforded  to  sel 
fishness,  and  pride,  and  lust,  could  not  fail  to  give  to  those  loathsome 
propensities,  a  monstrous  growth  and  gigantic  strength.  The  dearest 
rights  and  highest  interests  of  human  nature  in  its  guiltless  children, 
who  by  fraud  and  violence,  had  been  reduced  to  servitude,  American 
men  and  women  had  been  accustomed  from  their  earliest  childhood, 
rudely,  insolently,  recklessly,  to  trample  in  the  dust.  This  they  did 
on  system,  encouraged  by  public  sentiment,  sustained  by  prevalent 
usages,  protected  by  dreadful  laws.  They  were  thus  trained  up  to 
regard  their  fellow  men  with  insolence  or  contempt ;  to  wage  war 
upon  them  whenever  and  wherever  driven  to  deeds  of  violence  by 
the  demands  of  interest,  the  impulses  of  passion,  or  even  the  sug 
gestions  of  caprice.  That,  thus  trained  and  incited,  they  should  con- 
tine  their  insolence  and  assaults  to  men  of  a  dark  complexion  was 
not  to  be  expected.  They  had  been  too  long  accustomed  to  press 
the  foot  of  despotic  power  on  the  neck  of  the  Africo-American  to 
feel  any  lively  and  profound  respect  for  the  rights  of  the  Anglo-Amer 
ican. 

The  lordly  spirit  and  despotic  bearing  of  the  southern  slavehol 
ders  have,  from  time  to  time,  been  partially  exposed  in  their  inter 
course,  official  and  unofficial,  with  their  northern  brethren.  Speci 
mens,  not  a  little  disgraceful  and  mortifying,  we  have  been  compelled 
again  and  again  to  witness  and  deplore,  And  with  growing  concern 
and  alarm,  we  have  seen  at  the  north  an  increasing  disposition  to  bow 
to  the  arrogance  and  dogmatism  of  the  south.  Nowhere  has  this  dis 
position  been  more  glaringly  and  offensively  displayed,  than  in  the 


31 

Manner,  in  which  we  have  been  expected,  and  to  a  great  extent,  havtf 
consented  to  treat  the  colored  American.  We  have  been  required 
to  join  with  the  south  in  insulting  and  oppressing  him.  And  to  our 
shame  be  it  confessed  ;  we  have,  to  a  fearful  extent,  yielded  to  this 
requisition.  We  have  given  up  the  trembling,  weeping,  and  often 
bleeding  fugitive  to  the  eager,  iron  grasp  of  the  man-stealer.  We 
have  gone  more  or  less  into  a  conspiracy  with  slave-holders,  to  exile 
from  their  native  land  free  colored  Americans.  We  have  thus,  most 
suicidally,  lent  our  influence  to  quicken  and  strengthen  and  mature 
the  despotic  spirit,  which  the  system  of  American  slavery  has  gener 
ated  and  maintained  and  protected. 

Various  and  powerful  influences  for  a  long  time  prevented  any  de 
cisive  and  extended  effort  to  expose  and  counteract  the  deadly  ten 
dencies  of  American  slavery.  The  courtesies  of  social  life,  every 
year  increasing ;  the  bustle,  dust  and  din  of  trade  ;  the  intrigues  and 
evils,  the  scuffling  and  manceuvering  of  party  politics  ;  the  mutual 
fellowship  of  professed  Christians,  united  in  various  combinations,  all, 
combined  to  close  the  eyes  and  harden  the  hearts  and  seal  up  the 
lips  of  American  citizens  to  the  evils  of  a  system,  which  was  every 
day  growing  more  dangerous  and  disgraceful.  A  society  moreover 
had  been  formed,  and  extensively  and  powerfully  patronized,  to  di 
vert  the  attention  of  the  nation  from  the  emancipation  of  the  enslav 
ed  to  the  expatriation  of  the  free.  This,  like  a  huge  sponge,  .sucked 
up  and  absorbed  those  generous  sympathies  and  Christian  sentiments, 
which  alone  could  lead  to  wise  and  decisive  action  in  behalf  of  holy 
freedom. 

Be  it  remembered,  however,  to  the  glory  of  God,  -.vho  never  leaves 
His  truth  without  a  witness,  men  all  along  were  found  in  one  place 
and  another,  whose  bosoms  yearned  over  the  poor  slave.  Some  of 
these  nobly  dared  to  offer  their  eyes  to  the  blind  ;  their  feet  to  the 
lame;  their  tongues  to  the  dumb.  In  the  face  of  prejudice,  and 
spite  and  lordliness,  they  opened  their  lips  in  the  cause  of  the  op 
pressed.  They  very  slowly  and  gradually  drew  others  into  their 
sympathies  and  designs.  At  length,  combined  action,  in  the  form  of 
Anti-Slavery  Societies,  was  publicly  proposed.  This  furnished  the 
nation  with  Ithuriel's  spear.  And  the  toad,  which,  unobserved,  was 
breathing  its  venom  into  the  ear  of  the  republic,  at  its  touch  started 
up  a  devil !  From  the  hour,  when  a  blind  and  infuriated  mob  sacrile 
giously  broke  into  the  Temple  of  God,  to  disperse  a  little  band  of 
fast,  devoted,  unflinching  friends  of  human  nature,  met  to  form  the 
New  York  City  Anti-Slavery  Society  to  the  hour  when  a  mob,  equal 
ly  infuriated  and  blind,  sacrilegiously  broke  into  the  Temple  of  God, 
to  disperse  the  Convention  of  fast,  devoted,  unflinching  friends  of 
human  nature,  assembed  to  form  theN.  Y.  State  Anti-Slavery  Society, 
the  abolititionists  have  been  assailed  in  almost  every  way,  which  mal 
ice  could  prompt  or  cunning  devise.  Now,  they  have  been  held  up 
to  ridicule,  scorn,  and  contempt ;  and  now  to  grave  abhorence  and 
deadly  hate.  Now,  they  have  been  represented  as  a  little  nest  of 


32 

addle-headed  fools  and  frenzied  fanatics,  who  could  best  be  disposed 
of  by  being  let  alone — passed  by  in  silent  neglect ;  and  now  as  a  formi 
dable  band  of  conspirators,  who  were  eager  to  till  the  republic  with 
the  flames  of  discord  and  the  blood  of  insurrection — who  could  be 
satisfied  with  nothing  short  of  sundering  the  bonds  of  our  Union  and 
subverting  the  pillars  of  our  Government  ;  and  who  ought  to  be  op 
posed  by  the  arm  of  Legislation  and  the  thunderbolts  of  War.  The 
passions  of  our  adversaries,  getting  the  advantage  of  their  reason, 
have  driven  them  headlong  into  the  strangest  and  most  ridiculous  in 
consistencies.  In  the  same  breath,  they  have  exhorted  our  fellow 
citizens  to  refuse  to  waste  a  thought  upon  us,  and  invited  their  atten 
tion  to  what  they  held  up  as  alarming,  shocking  expositions  of  our 
bad  spirit  and  ill  designs.  In  some  places  at  the  north,  where  stren 
uous  efforts  were  professedly  employed  to  turn  away  from  us  the  pub 
lic  eye  and  the  public  ear,  "  indignation — meetings"  have  been  ap 
pointed  and  a  stout-lunged  crier  has  been  sent  through  the  streets,  to 
ring  his  bell  and  strain  his  throat  with  the  astounding  proclamation, 
that  "  our  unwarrantable  proceedings"  were  at  a  given  time  to  be 
publicly  exposed  for  the  information  and  benefit  of  the  entire  com 
munity.  While  at  the  south,  it  has  been  maintained  as  a  capital 
point,  th'it  the  slaves  must  be  kept  in  ignorance  of  the  doctrines  and 
movements  of  their  northern  friends,  vast  assemblages  of  people  in 
many  places  have  been  drawn  together,  furiously  to  denounce  and 
spitefully  to  threaten  the  very  men,  whose  existence  and  designs  they 
would  have  kept  as  a  great  secret  !  Thousands  of  people  have  ea 
gerly  rushed  to  the  places,  where  we  had  quietly  assembled,  and  fil 
led  heaven  and  earth  with  their  mad  clamor  and  wild  tumult,  in  or 
der  by  such  silent  neglect  to  make  us  see  and  feel  what  insignificant 
cyphers  we  were  !  In  order  to  preserve  the  dignity  of  our  laws  and  the 
majesty  of  our  constitutions  from  the  touch  of  our  hands,  they  have 
been  ready  to  tear  the  one  and  the  other  into  tatters  and  scatter  them 
on  the  winds  !  In  order,  amidst  our  so-called  incendiary  movements, 
to  maintain  the  sublime  integrity  of  the  glorious  Temple  of  Freedom, 
they  have  led  into  its  very  sanctuary  drunken  mobs,  to  mutter  their 
blasphemies  and  swing  their  fire  brands.  They  would  cement  the 
Union  with  the  life-blood  of  those,  whom  the  Union  was  formed  to 
protect  and  to  bless  ! 

In  one  breath,  our  adversaries  tauntingly  urge  as  to  go  to  the  south 
with  our  doctrines  and  designs  ;  in  the  next,  with  childish  petulance, 
they  scold  at  us  for  our  temerity,  in  presenting  our  views,  and  im 
pressing  our  motives  upon  the  slaveholder.  Not  long  ago,  we  were 
told,  that  we  were  too  poor  and  weak,  to  mak'e  any  impression  up 
on  the  system  of  American  slavery.  In  vain,  we  referred  to  the 
power  of  moral  suasion.  This  was  neither  steam  nor  powder.  Our 
arguments,  warnings,  intreaties— useless  breath  !  The  master,  calm 
ly  serene  in  the  possession  of  his  contented,  grateful  slaves,  would 
laugh  us  to  scorn.  We  could  not  reach  his  understanding,  touch  his 
conscience,  or  move  his  heart.  He  would  scarcely  trouble  himself 


33 

enough  to  know,  that  we  had  an  existence.  Our  philanthropy  wai 
mere  poetry  ;  our  logic,  a  string  of  glittering  abstractions  ;  our  best 
exertions,  an  idle  beating  of  the  air  !  But  the  dwarf  has  become  a 
giant.  Moral  suasion,  it  is  now  seen  and  acknowledged,  has  power 
to  reach  the  slaveholder  with  arousing,  torturing  effect.  Now,  he 
trembles  with  fear  ;  and  now,  raves  with  madness.  At  one  time,  he 
threatens  us  with  the  kidnapper's  hand,  or  the  assassin's  knife,  or  the 
hangman's  rope  ;  at  an  other,  he  calls  upon  our  fellow  citizens  around 
us,  to  gag  and  throttle  us.  Full  of  wrath,  he  chivalrously  throws  in 
to  our  face  and  eyes  the  often  repeated  declaration,  that  the  guilt  and 
misery  which  may  prevail  beyond  the  limits  of  the  free  states  is  no 
Concern  of  ours.  In  much  the  same  style,  in  which  he  lords  it  over 
his  crouching,  trembling  vassals,  he  bids  us  mind  our  own  business. 
Amidst  the  chains  ancf  whips,  the  tears  and  blood,  which  southern 
oppression  throws  around  us,  he  commands  us  to  close  our  eyes,  and 
shut  up  our  ears,  and  steel  our  hearts,  and  hold  our  tongues.  If  we 
dare  to  open  our  lips  in  the  cause  of  the  enslaved,  he  is  ready  to 
"bind  himself  by  a  great  oath,  that  he  will  neither  eat  nor  drink" 
'till  he  has  broken  the  Union  over  our  heads. 

Thus  insulted  and  menaced  for  exercising  a  right,  as  obviously  and 
inalienably  our  own,  as  the  right  to  see  the  sun  and  breathe  the  air/ 
the  RIGHT  OF  FREE  DISCUSSION,  we  find  in  our  own  vicinity,  men, 

who  enter  into  the  feelings  and  adopt  the  language  of  the  south. 

From  humanity,  crushed  and  bleeding  in  the  person  of  an  enslaved 
brother^  these  men  require  us  to  withhold  our  sympathy  and  assist 
ance.  The  only  condition,  on  which  they  will  consent  to  respect 
any  of  our  rights  is,  that  we  join  with  them  in  trampling  on  all  of  his  ! 
To  bring  us  to  bow  to  their  dictation,  they  are  trying  the  virtue  of 
every  sort  of  abuse.  "  Men  of  high  degree,  who  are  a  lie,"  join 
with  "  men  of  low  degree,  who  are  vanity"  in  reducing  us  to  silence  ; 
the  one  by  calling  us  hard  names,  and  the  other  by  throwing  stones 
at  us  !  Thus,  are  we  driven  to  the  necessity  of  asserting  our  rights, 
as  men,  as  Americans  and  as  Christians  amidst  wiles,  tumults,  and  vi 
olence,  or  submitting  our  necks  to  the  yoke  of  slavery. 

We  are  thus  brought  to  an  awful  crisis.  The  fearful  responsibili 
ties  of  the  position,  to  which  an  unseen  and  resistless  Hand  has  con 
ducted  us,  we  cannot  refuse  to  see  and  feel.  We  must  meanly  sell 
our  birthright  for  a  "  mess  of  pottage  ;"  or  welcome  the  agonizing 
struggles,  by  which  alone  so  invaluable  an  inheritance  can  be  defend 
ed  and  preserved.  The  chains,  which  were  forged  for  the  negro's 
limbs,  the  enslaver  is  resolved  to  fasten  upon  ours.  To  pause  in  our 
career — to  relax  our  exertions  in  the  cause  of  holy  freedom,  would 
be  basely  to  lie  down  at  his  feet,  and  let  him  work  his  will  upon  us  ! 
The  violence  of  the  advocates  of  slavery  has  driven  things  to  such 
a  posture,  that  now  at  length  the  heart  of  the  colored  American  can 
only  be  pierced  through  the  bosom  of  the  white  American. 

Of  any  abolitionist,  to  whom  we  may  have  access,  we  would  most 
affectionately  and  earnestly  inquire  ;  are  you  prepared  to  sustain  the 

5 


34 

responsibilities  of  the  station,  you  have  ventured  to  occupy?  You 
stand  up  between  the  "  living  and  the  dead."  The  plague,  which  ra 
ges  all  around  you  threatens  you,  with  its  deadly  infection.  On  what 
do  you  rely  for  protection  ? 

In  prosecuting  the  objects,  appropriate  to  our  character,  as  aboli 
tionists,  let  us  devote  ourselves  to  the  service,  and  rely  on  the  resources? 
of  Jehovah,  as  the  God  of  the  oppressed.  Any  reliance  merely  hu 
man,  must  prove  vain  and  deceptive.  Of  the  men,  with  whom  we 
may  have  been  connected  in  the  transaction  of  business,  what  num 
bers  can  be  found,  who  are  eager  to  sacrifice  us  on  the  altar  of  trade  ? 
When  the  grim  demon  of  party  clamors  for  our  blood,  how  few  of 
our  political  friends  have  the  courage  to  resist  the  murderous  demand  I 
How  many  have  already  brandished  their  knives  over  the  victim's 
head  ?  No  confidence  can  we  place  in  ecclesiastical  bonds.  Touch 
ed  by  the  spirit  of  slavery  like  flax,  touched  by  fire,  they  fall,  dissolv 
ed  to  ashes.  Of  all  our  tempters  at  the  north,  none  are  more  wily 
or  more  fierce  than  some  of  our  professedly  Christian  advisers.  Of 
all  our  malignors  at.  the  south,  few  have  been  more  fiery  in  their  de 
nunciations.  How  can  we  forget,  that  of  the  self  constituted  tribu 
nal,  which,  in  mockery  of  law  and  equity,  condemned  one  of  our 
own  number,  to  public,  cruel  scourging— a  number  were  officers  of 
churches !  We  cannot  confide  in  the  ties  of  kindred — the  sympathy 
of  blood.  We  have  seen  brother  opposed  to  brother  ;  the  son  rise 
up  against  the  father !  We  cannot  confide  in  ourselves.  With  cun 
ning  to  seduce  ;  and  malignity  to  threaten  ;  and  power  to  intimidate 
us,  our  foes  will  leave  no  stratagem  or  expedient  untried,  to  entangle 
and  overpower  us.  Woe  to  the  man,  who  in  such  a  cause  as  ours, 
may  dare  to  lean  to  his  own  understanding !  Something  more  he  will 
need  than  a  hot  head,  or  stiff  neck,  or  stout  will,  to  bear  him  honora 
bly  through  such  a  conflict  as  awaits  us.  The  arm  of  God  alone  has 
strength  to  sustain  the  shock,  to  which  we  are  exposed.  And  while  in 
subserving  the  cause  of  freedom,  we  are  for  God,  we  may  rest  assur 
ed,  that  He  will  be  withus  in  supporting  a  cause  so  dear  and  sacred. 

It  is  our  happiness  to  know,  that  the  doctrines,  we  maintain,  and 
the  objects  we  pursue  are  in  the  strictest,  fullest  accordance  with  the 
principles  of  the  divine  government.  God  is  the  very  fountain  head 
of  righteousness.  The  rights  of  ail  His  creatures  are  dear  to  His 
heart.  In  His  government,  freedom  has  a  bulwark,  fixed  and  firm,  as 
His  own  eternal  Throne.  The  arrangements  of  His  Providence,- 
taken  as  a  system,  are  most  manifestly  and  in  the  highest  degree- 
friendly  to  human  freedom  ;  and  pointedly  and  inflexibly  adverse  to 
tyranny,  under  every  form  and  in  all  circumstances.  The  tenden 
cies,  which  are  now  at  work  to  break  up  the  whole  system  of  Amer 
ican  slavery  are  manifestly  very  various  and  resistlessly  powerful. — 
The  great  dungeon  is  crumbling  to  dust  by  its  own  weight.  Where 
slavery  is,  there  are  cherished  indolence,  pampered  passions,  eager, 
insatiable  appetites.  There  vice  grows  rank  like  dunghill  weeds. — 
There  are  the  exhausting  wastes  of  thoughtless  prodigality  and  showy 


35 

(extravagance.  The  weight  of  the  burdens  and  sufferings  of  the 
slaves,  continually  increasing  with  the  growing  extravagance  and  fol 
ly,  and  passions  of  their  master,  must  become  at  length  intolerable. 
There  are  limits  beyond  which  human  endurance  cannot  pass.  Bid 
ding  a  proud  defiance  to  their  best  friends  and  wisest  counsellors,  the 
masters  are  every  day  with  suicidal  violence,  pushing  the  slaves  right 
onward  towards  those  dreadful  limits.  Those  slaves  who  are  most 
sternly  bent  on  escaping  from  their  chains,  their  masters  with  an  in 
fatuation  falling  little  short  of  downright  madness,  are  collecting  to 
gether  in  those  places  where  the  rigors  of  servitude  are  most  insuf 
ferable.  Thus  they  are  indirectly,  but  effectually  marshalling  an  arr 
my  of  fierce  and  fiery  heroes,  who,  driven  to  desperation  by  insults 
and  injuries,  may  one  day  rush  with  resistless  fury  upon  their  op 
pressors  and  tormentors.  Where  slavery  is,  the  very  soil  seems  to 
be  blighted  by  the  curse  of  heaven. 

That  the  tendencies  to  which  we  have  now  briefly  adverted,  are 
seen  and  felt  to  be  something  more  than  airy  abstractions,  the  loud 
and  frequent  complaints  of  those  who  are  connected  with  the  sys 
tem  of  American  slavery,  fully  demonstrate.  In  what  glowing  and 
terrific  terms  do  they  not  often  describe  their  fears  by  day,  and  their 
terrors  by  night  ?  How  earnestly,  nay  passionately,  do  they  not  de 
precate  the  influence  of  free  discussion — charging  upon  it  a  strong 
tendency  to  involve  them  in  all  the  horrors  of  insurrection.  What 
agonizing,  desperate  efforts  do  they  not  make  to  keep  their  coasts 
clear  of  every  lover  of  Liberty !  They  can  no  more  endure  his  pre 
sence  than  could  the  Gadarenes  the  presence  of  his  master.  The 
scrutiny  of  his  eye  and  the  sound  of  his  voice  at  any  distance,  howev 
er  great,  tortures  them ;  and  as  if  afraid  of  being  tormented  before 
the  time,  they  cry  out,  "  Let  us  alone  !"  According  to  their  own 
confession,  great  numbers  of  "  their  best  population,"  find  a  longer 
continuance  in  the  infected  country  intolerable.  We  only  quote  the 
language  of  one  of  their  own  journalists  when  we  say  that  the 
"  hearts'  blood  of  Virginia"  is  subject  "  to  a  dreadful  drain,"  not  like 
ly  soon  to  cease. 

Nothing  but  infatuation  could  lead  the  south  to  charge  the  evils  in 
which  they  are  involved,  the  destruction  to  which  they  are  exposed, 
to  the  account  of  abolitionists.  Is  the  faithful  surgeon  to  be  curs 
ed  and  smitten  for  seeing  and  describing  the  plague-spot  which  por 
tends  the  death  of  his  patient; — his  speedy  death,  unless  the  most 
prompt  and  decisive  remedies  are  employed  ?  If  every  abolitionist 
on  the  globe  were  silent  in  apostacy  or  death,  the  dangers  which 
threaten  the  south  would  by  no  means  be  diminished.  These  dan 
gers  are  inherent  to  the  system  of  slavery.  This  system  in  which  "  all 
life  dies,  death  lives,  breeds 

Perverse,  all  monstrous,  all  prodigious  things, 

Abominable,  unutterable,  and  worse 

Than  fables  yet  have  feigned,  or  fear  conceived." 

Could  this  mother  of  abominationi  seat  herself  upon  the  silent 


36 

grave  of  abolitionism,  would  she  become  less  fearfully  prolific1? 
Surely  not.  It  is  the  harsh  collision  of  slavery  with  the  government  of 
God,  which  shakes  the  south  with  such  terrific  thunder.  And  to  charge 
its  stunning  peals  and  burning  bolts  to  abolitionists  is  to  reproach 
man  with  the  work  of  God!  The  south  must  break  up  their  system 
of  oppression,  or  break  down  His  righteous  government,  if  they  would 
escape  the  plagues  to  which  they  stand  exposed.  While  then,  in  all 
our  designs,  and  methods,  and  exertions,  we  carefully  conform  our 
selves  to  the  government,  of  God,  let  us  conmde  in  Him  for  direc 
tion,  support  and  success.  Let  us  in  subserving  the  cause  of  freeT 
dom,  illustrate  the  doctrines  and  enforce  the  precepts  of  His  holy 
word.  The  arrangements  of  His  Providence,  revealing  the  natural 
tendency  of  things,  let  us  employ  with  whatever  skill  and  power  we 
have,  to  convince  the  nation  that  slavery  is  equally  wicked  and  des 
tructive.  And  let  us  prayerfully  expect,  that  the  spirit  and  the  Prov 
idence  of  God  will  make  our  doctrines  and  our  doings  efficacious. 
Thus  guided,  cheered  and  sustained,  we  shall  be  wise  in  wisdom, 
and  strong  in  power,  infinitely  above  our  own  ;  the  wisdom  and  the 
power  of  God. 

It  becomes  us,  moreover,  eagerly  and  gratefully  to  appropriate  to 
ourselves  those  lessons  of  instruction,  and  those  sources  of  consolation 
which  the  past  history  of  the  fast,  unflinching,  devoted  friends  of  suf 
fering  humanity  may  furnish.  His  profound  and  accurate  acquain 
tance  with  human  nature,  our  Saviour  happily  evinced,  when  he  direc 
ted  His  disciples  under  the  pressure  of  persecution,  to  remember  with 
exultation  "  the  prophets,  who  were  before  them."  A  lie,  however 
gross,  by  being  frequently  and  confidently  repeated,  may  not  only  for 
a  time  obtain  general  credit,  but  may  come  at  length  to  be  half  be; 
lieved  even  by  its  author.  The  most  upright,  wise,  and  enterprising 
friend  of  his  species  may  be  in  no  small  danger  of  so  far  listening 
to  the  calumnies  which  assail  his  reputation  and  wound  his  ear,  as  to 
regard  his  own  integrity  with  painful  and  enervating  distrust.  The 
suspicion  may  creep  upon  his  heart,  that  he  may  have  given  occa 
sion  to  his  eager  and  bitter  maligners,  to  reproach  and  oppose  him. 
His  resolution  and  his  strength  may  thus  be  greatly  reduced.  He 
may  waver  in  his  purpose  and  stagger  in  his  course.  Just  here  he 
may  well  be  invited  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  the  Saviour,  directing  his 
attention  to  the  history  of  those,  who,  in  earlier  ages  exerted  them 
selves  to  improve  the  character  and  condition  of  mankind.  These 
men  are  now  universally  admitted,  even  by  his  slanderers,  to  have 
been  public  benefactors.  And  yet  in  what  light  were  their  objects, 
methods,  motives,  represented  generally  by  the  devotees  of  honor, 
wealth  and  pleasure,  by  whom  they  were  surrounded] 

Let  us  survey  the  shining  track  of  the  prophets  and  apostles,  un 
der  the  guidance  and  protection  of  Him  "  who  made  Himself  of  no 
reputation."  Let  us  study  the  history  of  the  reformers — of  the  non 
conformists  under  the  tyranny  of  Elizabeth — of  the  puritans  under 
the  sway  of  the  unprincipled  Charles  the  First — of  the  dissenters  un- 


37 

<der  the  administration  pf  Pitt,  the  younger— of  th?  English  - 
Mavery  men  of  our  own  and  a  former  age.  For  asserting  the  princi 
ples  to  which  we  adhere;  for  promulgating  the  doctrines,  in  which 
we  believe— for  pursuing  the  objects  to  which  we  are  devoted—for 
employing  the  methods  which  we  have  adopted,  those  wise  and  holy 
men— those  heroic  and  gigantic  champions  of  human  nature— those 
generous  and  efficient  benefactors  of  mankind  were  held  up  by  the 
ambitious  occupants  of  high  places  in  Church  and  State,  to  general 
conienppt,  scorn  and  persecution,  as  ultraists,  radicahsts  and  hy 
pocrites—as  disturbers  of  the  public  peace— the  foes  of  their  coun 
try  find  the  world.  Thus  traduced,  they  were  subject  to  almost  eve 
ry  species  of  annoyance,  vexation,  and  distress.  The  grave  states 
man,  the  solemn  divine,  and  stately  scholar  entered  without  hesitation, 
remorse,  or  shame,  into  a  conspiracy  with  the  low  jester,  the  reckless 
profligate  and  spiteful  blasphemer  to  worry  and  devour  them.  Here 
they  were  exposed  to  the  violence  of  mobs,  and  there  to  the  penal 
ties  of  law,  and  every  where  to  such  insults  and  injuries,  as  outlawi 
only  ate  accustomed  to  receive. 

In  obedience  to  our  Saviour  let  us  study,  by  night  and  by  day  let  us 
earnestly  study  the  history  of  those  men,  once  covered  with  reproach 
and  now  with  glory.  With  theirs,  let  us  compare  our  aims,  exertions, 
spirit.  In  fellowship  with  them,  we  need  not.be  moved  by  the  slan 
ders  by  which  our  adversaries  would  blacken  our  characters  and 
blast  our  hopes.  With  our  eye,  moreover,  fixed  on  their  guilty  and 
miserable  persecutors,  we  may  ascertain  the  condition  and  prospects 
of  our  own.  A  disposition  to  resent  and  retaliate,  will  give  place  to 
the  spirit  of  pity  and  prayer,  when  our  thoughts  are  directed  to  their 
,dreadful  end.  Thus  occupied,  we  could  hardly  refuse  to  appropriate 
to  ourselves  the  pointed  appeal  which  was  once  addressed  on  the  au 
thority  of  God,  to  the  despondent  Hebrews — "  I,  even  I  am  He,  that 
^omforteth  you  ;  who  art  thou,  that  thou  shouldest  be  afraid  of  a  man 
that  shall  die,  and  of  the  son  ..of  man.  that  shall  be  made  as  grass  ; 
?ind  forgettest  the  Lord  thy  maker,  that  hath  stretched  forth  the  heav- 
,ens,  and  laid  the  foundations  of  the  earth  ;  and  hast  feared  every  day 
ibecause  of  the  fury  of  the  oppressor,  as  if  he  were  ready  to  destroy  ? 
4-nd  where  is  the  fury  of  the  oppressor  ?"  Ah,  with  our  eyes  upon 
his  dreadful  end,  we  may  well  respond  to  the  pointed  appeal — where 
is  the  fury  of  the  oppressor. 

And  while  we  remember  the  prophets  which  were  before  us,  how 
can  we  despair  of  success  ?  Truth  stands  erect,  serene,  majestic, 
above  the  reach  of  the  execrations,  filth  and  stones,  with  which  our 
adversaries  would  overwhelm  her.  She  cannot  be  hissed  out  of 
countenance — cannot  be  crushed  by  violence,  whatever  may  become 
of  her  advocates,  she  is  great  and  must  prevail.  And  her  prevalence 
is  our  victory  and  glory. 

Well  then  may  we  be  urged  to  extend  to  our  oppressed  brethren  such 
ft  measure  of  sympathy  and  assistance,  as  we  should  think  due  to  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  if  He  were  placed  in  their  circumstances.  In  the 


38 

claims,  which  they  have  upon  our  benevolent  regard,  the  Saviour,  m 
the  most  solemn  circumstances  and  in  the  most  explicit  and  emphat 
ic  language,  describes  Himself  as  their  representative.  To  make 
His  description  the  more  pointed  and  impressive,  He  selects  the 
meanest  of  them  all,  and  sitting  him  before  us  amidst  the  terrors  and 
the  glories  of  the  day  of  judgement,  authoritatively  assures  us  that 
our  regard  for  him  will  be  taken  as  our  regard  for  our  Saviour,  Lord 
and  Final  Judge.  "  Inasmuch  as  ye  have  done  it  unto  one  of  the 
least  of  these  my  brethren,  ye  have  done  it  unto  me."  Suppose  then 
that  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  Jesus  Christ  had  been  seized,  thrown 
into  prison,  loaded  with  irons,  fed  with  bread  and  water,  His  bed  a 
heap  of  straw,  dragged  forth  at  length  to  the  public  auction,  rudely 
handled  and  grossly  insulted  by  the  throng  which  had  assembled  to 
bid  upon  his  sacred  person,  driven  under  the  lash  of  the  task-master 
to  the  toils  and  sufferings  of  the  helpless  slave,  cut  off  from  the  sym 
pathy  of  friends  and  the  communion  of  saints,  and  doomed  by  the 
strong  arm  of  law  to  perpetual  and  intolerable  bondage  with  the  hear 
ty  consent  of  the  official  interpreters  of  the  bible,  the  ministers  of  re 
ligion,  the  loud  and  lofty  professors  of  universal  philanthropy,  what 
would  our  whole  nature  with  a  resistless  impulse  constrain  us  to  at 
tempt  on  His  behalf  ?  Every  fact  in  the  history  of  His  abduction, 
His  imprisonment,  His  sale  at  the  public  auction,  His  connection 
with  the  man  who  claimed  his  bones  and  muscles,  His  soul  and  body 
as  his  property,  we  should  lay  hold  of  with  the  deepest  interest.  We 
should  feel  the  weight  of  every  burden  laid  upon  His  shoulders  ;  the 
force  of  every  blow*  with  which  His  flesh  was  lacerated.  The  insults 
and  the  injuries  heaped  upon  Him  would  be  felt  to  be  all  our  own. 
He  would  be  continually  present  to  our  thoughts.  Wherever  we 
went,  and  whatever  we  did,  we  should  see  before  us  His  sacred  form, 
loaded  with  chains.  Thus  the  searching  appeal,  "  Am  I  not  a  man 
and  a  brother,"  would  in  thunder  tones  be  continually  ringing  in  our 
ears. 

What  would  such  appeals  rouse  us  to  attempt  ?  No  violence,  sure 
ly.  By  force  of  arms,  we  should  not  think  of  rescuing  Him  from 
servitude,  lest  the  rebuke  which  once  constrained  Peter  to  return  his 
sword  to  its  sheath,  should  fall  heavily  upon  us.  In  an  effort  to  sub 
serve  the  cause  of  our  Saviour,  we  should  feel  bound  to  cherish  the 
temper  of  our  Saviour,  the  spirit  of  strong  faith,  fervent  love,  and 
earnest  prayer.  Our  weapons,  however,  while  they  were  not  carnal, 
would  still  be  mighty.  We  should  improve  every  opportunity,  and 
employ  every  lawful  means,  and  strain  every  nerve,  to  work  in  the 
bosoms  of  all  around  us,  a  deep  sense  of  the  mighty  wrongs  which 
•were  inflicted  on  the  Saviour.  In  moral  suasion,  more  powerful  than 
the  edge  of  the  sword,  we  should  find  the  very  instrument,  which, 
well  directed  and  skilfully  wielded,  could  not  fail  under  God  to  work 
deliverance  for  our  Saviour.  With  what  energy  and  decision  should 
we  not  exert  ourselves  in  an  enterprise  so  dear  to  earth  and  heaven  ? 
What  an  honor  should  we  not  count  it  to  consecrate  our  talents  and 


39 

cur  wealth  to  an  object  so  sublime  and  heavenly  t  Nor  should  we 
pause  in  our  upward  course,  whatever  obstacles  might  be  wantonly 
or  malignantly  thrown  in  our  way.  We  should  not  count  our  lives 
dear  to  us,  if  m  finishing  the  work  committed  to  us,  such  a  sacrifice 
were  demanded. 

While  then,  beloved  brethren,  you  remember  that  in  each  of  the 
two  million  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  slaves  in  our  republic 
you  have  kneeling  in  silent  agony  before  you,  one,  who  in  his  claims 
upon  your  affectionate  regard  and  benevolent  exertions  is  an  accred 
ited  representative  of  your  Saviour,'  we  cannot  admit  the  thought  for 
a  moment,  that  you  can  relax  your  efforts  in  the  cause  ef  holy  free 
dom.  With  a  fervent  spirit,  a  prayerful  heart,  and  a  firm  step,  you 
will  hold  on  your  way.  You  will  never  relax  your  exertions  till  the 
system  of  American  slavery  is  utterly,  universally,  and  forever  abol 
ished. 

,  To  your  work  and  your  reward  you  have  direct  and  free  access. 
You  need  not  inquire  who  shall  plead  the  cause  of  the  oppressed  in 
the  legislatures  of  the  slave-holding  States.  You  have  ground  of' 
your  own,  where  your  own  representatives  wait  to  know  your  Will ; 
men,  who  are  sacredly  bound  to  listen  with  respectful  attention  and 
a  candid  spirit  to  your  arguments  and  appeals  in  behalf  of  the  dumb. 
The  District  of  Columbia  is  before  you.  No  just  authority  on  earth 
can  forbid  you  there  to  exert  your  influence  and  put  forth  your  pow 
ers.  And  remember  that  whatever  may  be  done  in  the  cause  of  free 
dom  there,  cannot  but  affect  the  whole  republic.  The  blow,  which 
there  may  break  the  servile  yoke,  will  shake  it  from  the  neck  of  ev 
ery  slave  in  the  nation. 

When  shall  that  blow  be  struck?  Every  hour's  delay  makes  the 
task  more  arduous.  It  is  as  obvious,  as  it  is  afflictive,  mortifying  and 
portentous,  that  with  every  hour  the  men  in  this  country  who  aspire 
after  the  distinctions  of  aristocracy,  are  becoming  more  thoroughly 
infected  with  the  spirit  of  slavery.  What  numbers  can  be  found,  who 
only  a  few  years  ago  nobly  opposed  what  they  now  meanly  defend — 
the  foulest  system  of  oppression,  which  ever  afflicted  and  disgraced 
the  world  !  Some  of  these  are  even  attempting  to  prepare  the  public 
mind  to  see  a  new  shield  thrown  over  southern  slavery  in  northern 
legislation.  We  cannot  afford  to  lose  a  moment.  The  attention  of 
the  nation  is  now  aroused.  The  public  ear  is  open.  The  dastard 
ly  and  ruthless  hands,  which  have  attempted  to  strangle  free  discus 
sion,  have  cleared  the  way  before  us.  Those  clamors,  in  which  they 
have  assayed  to  drown  our  voices,  have  roused  up  myriads  of  sleep 
ers.  Rising  from  their  slumbers,  they  are  demanding  the  cause  of 
this  strange  disturbance.  Now  is  the  time  to  speak.  If  we  permit 
the  present  general  excitement  to  pass  away,  without  making  it  pow 
erfully  subservient  to  the  cause  of  holy  freedom,  the  heart  of  the  na 
tion  will  harden  into  flint-stone  ;  to  be  broken  only  by  the  thunders  of 
the  Avenger  of  the  oppressed.  Every  moment  is  pregnant  with  re 
sults  of  unutterable  magnitude.  Let  us  repair  then,  to  the  altar  of 


40 

God,  and  in  the  spirit  of  the  martyr  consecrate  ourselres  under  Je 
sus  Christ  our  Lord  to  the  Redemption  of  bleeding  humanity ! 


EXTRACTS  FROM  LETTERS  ADDRESSED  TO  THE 
CHAIRMAN  OF  THE  CONTENTION. 

DOVER,  N.  H.,  OCT.  16,  1835. 

To  the  Chairman  of  the  A.  S.  Convention,  to  bb  holden  in  Uticd  the  Zlstinst.: 

Sir-*— Having  been  appointed  by  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  N.  H.  A.  S. 
Society,  as  a  delegate  to  attend  your  convention,  allow  me  to  Express  the  regret 
which  1  feel  in  not  being  able  to  fulfil  that  appointment.  To  mingle  in  your 
councils  and  to  bear  with  you  some  humble  instrumentality,'  in  advancing  the 
Christian  and  patriotic  enterprise  upon  which  you  are  to  deliberate,  would  afford5 
me  the  highest  gratification.  But  circumstances  beyond  my  control  prevent  my 
attendance.  I  cannot,  however,  forbear  to  express  the  very  deep  interest  which 
I  feel  in  your  meeting,  and  especially  in  the  result  of  your  proceedings.  My 
prayer  to  God  is,  that  your  deliberations  and  decisions  may  be  characterised  by 
wisdom,  the  "  wisdom  which  is  from  above,"  by  energy,  and  an  inflexible  adher 
ence  to  the  great  and  distinctive  principles  of  our  cause. 

It  appe'ars  to  me  that  the  slavery  question  has  now  arrived  at  a  very  interest 
ing  juncture,  when  it  is  especially  important  that  the  friends  of  liberty  should 
stand  firm  to'  their  principles.  [Any  flinching  on  the  part  of  the  friends  of  im 
mediate  emancipation,  at  this  time,  might  seriously  prejudice  our  cause  arid  throw 
us  back  to  a  distance  from  which  we  should  not  soon  recover.] 

Notwithstanding  the  fierce  opposition  which  we  have  experienced  for  a  few 
months  past,  1  believe  that  the  principles  of  liberty  ar6  steadily  advancing,  for 
though  principalities  and  powers  are  marshalled  against  us,  though  the  oppose 
ing  wave  roll  fearfully  onward,  there  is  an  undercurrent!  evidently  setting  strong 
ly  the  right  way. 

No  enterprize  appears  to  me  of  such  magnitude  as  the  one  which  calls  you 
together.  I  love  the  Bible,  Temperance,  Missionary  and  other  benevolent  in 
stitutions  of  the  age,  but  what  heart  can  I  have  to  labor  for  the  heathen  on  the 
other  side  of  the  Globe,  while  more  than  two  millions  of  my  own  countrymen 
are  doubly  heathenized,  legally  and  systematically  shut  out  from  the  light  of  life  ? 
How  can  I  escape  the  charge  of  hypocrisy  and  gross  inconsistency,  if,  while  I 
labor  for  the  one  I  neglect  the  other  1  "  These  ought  ye  to  have  done  and  not 
to  leave  the  other  undone." 

Sir,  this  abomination  must  be  rolled  out  of  the  way.  It  is  indispensable  to 
our  country's  prosperity  and  to  the  world's  redemption.  The  most  formidable 
obstacle  now,  to  the  complete  and  speedy  triumph  of  our  enterprise,  I  do  not 
hesitate  to  say,  is  the  reluctance  to  action  manifested  by  so  many  of  our  beloved 
Christian  brethren.  If  the  friends  of  Zion  of  different  denominations,  and  es 
pecially  the  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  would  come  up  cordially  to  this  great  work, 
and  present  a  united  and  firm  phalanx,  the  horrid  system  of  slavery,  in  our  land, 
could  not  long  endure.  The  minister  of  Christ  who  stands  back  from  action  in 
these  times  scotches  the  wheels  of  this  enterprize  and  lends  his  influence  to  per 
petuate  slavery. 


41 

sense  of  our  dependence  upon  God  for  the  success  of  our  effort,  "and  Measure? 
With  these  suggestions,  permit  me  to  say,  that  though  necessarily 

am  present  WIth  you  in  spirit'  and  m<   raeris  an 


he  rf  h          1  '     m 

the  God  of  the  oppressed  may  guide  your  counsels. 

With  sentiments  of  great  respect,  I  am  yours,  &c. 

DAVID  ROOT. 

,  BEDFOKD,  OCTOBER  15,  1835 

Most  fully  do  I  concur  with  you  as  to  the  importance  of  the  proposed  conven 
tion  but  your  partiality  leads  you  to  overrate  the  importance  of  my  presenceTn 
it.  Our  hopes  of  success  are  founded  under  God,  on  the  truth  of  ou/pr  ncTples 
the  uprightness  of  our  intentions,  and  the  lawfulness  of  our  measure™™! 
nected  with  politics,  and  having  no  object  whatever  tut  to  persuade  our  fellow 
citizens  of  the  north  and  of  the  south,  that  the  black  man  is  equally  with  "£ 
White,  entitled  by  his  Creator  to  be  treated  with  justice  and  humanity  f  abolition 
ists  are  but  little  dependent  on  any  of  their  associates,  except  as  their  agents 

Domestic  engagements  will  put  it  out  of  my  power  to  meet  with  you  on  the 
xSlst  :  may  He  in  whose  cause  we  are  embarked,  direct  and  prosper  your  consul 
tations,  to  the  advancement  of  his  glory,  the  good  of  his  church,  and  the  safety 
and  welfare  of  our  common  country. 

That  slavery  will  ultimately  cease,  it  would  be  both  foolish  and  sinful  lo  doubt 
Ihe  experience  of  past  ages,  the  example  and  spirit  of  the  present,  and  the  de 
clarations  of  prophecy,  all  announce  its  doom  ;  but  its  dying  struts  will  pro 
bably  be  violent  and  protracted.     It  is  to  be  expected,  that  where  there  is  a  com 
petition  for  southern  trade,  and  southern  votes,  large  numbers  will  on  the  subject 
of  slavery,  be  more  governed  by  interest,  than  by  conscience.     Hence  most  of  the 
anti-abolition  measures,  are  mere  matters  of  course,  and  should  excite  neither 
surprise  nor  alarm.     The  most  painful  and  disheartening  indication  of  the  times 
in  relation  to  slavery,  is  the  apathy  or  rather  complacency  with  which  it  is  re 
garded  by  the  church.     We  are  daily  entreated  by  the  ministers  of  the  Most 
High,  to  send  bibles  and  missionaries  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  while  too  many 
of  these  very  ministers  seem  to  be  utterly  indifferent  to  the  welfare  of  a  nation 
kept  in  compulsory  heathenism  in  the  very  raids',  of  us  —  they  inculcate  the  moral 
ity  of  the  gospel  but  refrain  from  condemning  a  system  which  outrages  every 
precept  of  that  morality  —  they  pray  that  the  kingdom  of  God  may  come,  and  his 
will  be  done,  and  yet  refuse  to  aid  in  removing  what  they  well  know  must  while 
it  remains,  render  their  prayers  fruitless-  —  nay,  some  of  them  glory  in  proclaim 
ing  to  the  world  that  they  are  not  abolitionists  ! 

Let  us  my  dear  sir,  not  only  pray,  but  work  and  let  us  joyfully  bear  a  reproach 
which  we  may  be  assured  will  not  follow  us  to  the  bar  of  our  Maker  ;  yet  let  us 
ever  remember  in  all  humility  and  watchfulness,  that  our  efforts  to  be  accepted 
there,  must  be  prompted  by  Christian  principle,  and  conducted  in  a  Christian  spi 
rit.  Yours,  very  respectfully, 

WILLIAM  JAY. 

GLOUCESTER,  (MASS.)  OCT.  19,  1835. 

It  is  like  a  cordial  to  rny  spirit,  to  receive  the  notice  given  by  your  A.  S.  S., 
and  its  invitation  to  a  state  convention,  about  to  be  held  at  Utica  ;  and  had  it 
been  in  my  power  to  have  been  with  you,  in  that  meeting,  this  soul  feels,  that  it 
would  have  been  as  its  highest  joy  to  have  mingled  w'th  those  free-born  souls,  as 
if  a  drop  were  added  to  the  collection  of  waters  prepared  for  washing  away  our 
national  stains,  which  render  us  a  reproach  amongst  the  nations,  and  fearful  to 

6 


42 

ourselves.     I  most  heartily  respond  to  the  sentiments  expressed  in  connexion' 
with  the  invitation,  which  has  come   across  state  boundaries,  even  to  me  a,s  one1 
holding  the  principles  of  the  Am.  A.  S.  S.     I  believe  that  we  have  arrived  at 
such  a  crisis  in  our  political  morals,  that  the  most  cordial  co-operation  and  ener 
getic  action  of  the  friends  of  human  rights  are  now  demanded  ;  an.d  that  upon 
the  issue  of  the   present  conflict,  very  seriously  depend  the  cause  of  humanity 
and  religion,  at  least,  in  this  Ian,!  so  boasied,  free.     And  I   trust    that    He  who 
hears  the  sighs  of  the  oppressed,   will  by  the  spirit  of  His  wisdom  be  present 
with  you  in  all  your  deliberations,  and  inspire  you  with  that   zeal  which  shall  be 
imitative  of  our  blessed  Lord  and  Saviour — bringing  good   to  man,  and  glory  to' 
God.      This  proposed  convention  reminds  me  of  that  held  nearly  two  years  since 
in  Philadelphia,  which  I  had  the   privilege  to  attend— the  object  of  which  was'" 
not  to  rouse  the  nation  to  arms,  but  to  promote  humble  repentance  for  our  ria-" 
tion's  sins,  and  to  prepare  ourselves  to  do1  what  we  can  as  citizens,  Christians  and" 
philanthropists,  for  the   removal   of  the   most  unrighteous,   debasing  despotisrir 
from  our  midst.     How  any  patriot  or  any  true  lover  of  liberty — any  one  with  the" 
feelings  of  a  man,  when  in  view  of  fellow  beings  unrighteously  suffering,   cart 
withhold  his  active  commiseration,  seems  hard  to  interpret.     At  any  rafe,  the  an 
swer,  if  made  most  charitably,  would  not  appear  very  consistent  with  the  princi 
ples  which  such  an  one  claims  to  hold.     The  like  might  be  said,  with  a  thrice 
forcible  emphasis,  in  relation  to  the  amazing  indifference   and  even   opposition, 
which  this  cause  meets  from  some  of  our  professedly  Christian  brethren  and 
friends.     But  perhaps  the  desire  on  the  part  of  some   rather  to  suffer  peaceably 
than  to  gain,   by  means  of  strife,   that  which  is  justly  their  due,  may  serve  as. 
some  apology  for  the  neutrality  which  they  think  it  safe  to  hold.     I  cannot,  how 
ever,  deem  that  to  be  innocent  which  leads  either  patriot  or   Christian   to  regard 
our  civil  code  as  so  perfect,  infallible  a  rule  of  justice  and  guaranty  of  right  to 
all,  that  there  is  no  opportunity  nor  call,  for  the  salutary  moral  influence  of  the 
one,  or  for  the  prompt  conscientious  political  action  of  the   other.     But  what, 
dear  sir,  is  the  stirring  cause  for  calling  this  convention  ?     Is  it  the  mere  incon 
venience  of  having  a  portion  of  men  classed  with  the  brute  beasts  1     Or  is  it  to 
defend  your  right  of  speech,  in  counting  men  as  men,  arid  horses  as  horses,  and! 
despots,  in  the  fair  garb  of  liberty,  as  despots  still  1      Is  it  to  wake  up  an  old 
political  grudge  which  ought  to  be  forgotten,  and  lay  the  charge  of  our  misfor 
tunes  on  the  head  of  the  dead,  and  there  to  sing  a  requium  to  your  vengeance  ? 
Or  is  it  in  view  of  our  national  guilt,  which  has,  for  the  last  seventy  years,  been 
gathering  as  a  dark,  dense  cloud,    and  which,   with  frequent  flash,  full  charged 
with  judgments,  now  threatens  to  burst  upon  those  whose  hands  are  stained  with, 
the  blood  of  the  enslaved,  and  on  the  whole  mass   of  their  ubetters  ?    Ah,  this 
is  it— this  it  is — you  seem  to  answer,  which  has  moved  to  the  call  of  such  a 
convention.      This  is  the  subject  which  will  lie  before  the  meeting.     May  Jeho 
vah,  then,  who  hears  the  cries  of  the  humble,  and  regards  the  groans  of  the  op 
pressed,  give  you  wisdom  and  strength,  so  to  raise  your  voices,    that  the  cry  of 
fanaticism  and  radicalism,  shall  be  hushed  ;  whilst  repentance  and  righteous 
ness  and  peace  shall,  as  a  pure  river  of  life  flow  over  every  portion  of  our  land,. 

And  then  shall  our  nation's  banner    be  washed  pure  of  the   stains  of  slavery > 

and  this  ensign  of  Liberty,  pointing  to  our  land  as  the  refuge  of  the  oppressed,, 
shall  be  cheered  with  the  favoring  smiles  of  the  Most  High,  and  reflect  light  and 
joy  over  a  world,  the  dark  places  of  which  are  full  of  the  habitations  of  cruelty. 
But  if  we  are  to  suffer  by  seeking  this  blessing,  what  then  1  I  have  suffered, 
and  if  still  called  to  suffer  in  this  cause,  it  js  my  hope  never  to  forget  to  plead 
for  mercy  and  right  towards  my  brethren  and  sisters  in  bonds. 
Accept  this  as  the  voice  of  Yours, 

In  the  cause  of  mercy  and  right. 

D.  E.  JEWETT. 


43 

*  *  #  #  CINCINNATI,  OCT.  12,  1835. 

The  formation  of  an  Anti-Slavery  Society  for  the  state  of  New  York 
this  juncture,  a  most  important  movement.     It  made   my  heart  rejoice  when' I 
heard  that  such  a  thing  was  in  contemplation-and  my  desire  is   behind  no 
ones   that  it  may  be  made  as    beneficially  instrumental  in  advancing  the  cause 
ot  righteousness  as  its  projectors  intend  it  to  be. 

The  demands  of  the  south  are  insolent  in  the  extreme— an  outrage  on  all  the 
principles  and  usages  of  a  free  people.  As  insulting  as  they  ate,  and  fitted  as 
they  are  to  arouse  the  most  indignant  and  unsparimr  retort,  yet  do  I  trust  that 
.your  convention  will  meet  them  with  the  calm  dignity  of  men  who  know  iho'ir 
rights— and  knowing,  dare,  in  the  fear  of  God,  to  maintain  them  The  south 
demands  of  you  a  surrender  of  the  only  safeguard  of  liberty.  What  will  be 
left,  that  is  precious,  of  this  republic— when  the  freedom  of  speech  and  the  lib 
erty  of  the  press  shall  have  been  dest.oyed]  Nothing.  Yet  these  hwo  been 
demanded  of  you— and  for  what  equivalent  in  return  ?  That  you  may  enjoy 
the  profits  of  slavery,  and  the  favor  of  the  oppressor  of  his  fellow  Is  this  suf 
ficient  for  the  north  ?  Have  the  friends  of  liberty  every  where  so  mistaken  her  1 
Is  it  true  that  she  is  willing,  at  the  command  of  the  slaveholder,  not  less  dicta- 
tonal  than  when  delivered,  whip  in  hand,  to  his  helpless  slave,  come  before  him, 
suppliantly  beg  his  pardon  for  thinking  and  speaking  as  freemen,  and  submis 
sively  lay  at  his  feet,  all  that  is  dear  to  us  and  to  our  country  1  Can  it  be,  that 
the  very  first  generation  of  your  revolutionary  fathers  think  that  slavery  is  dear 
er  and  more  precious  than  the  glorious  principles  for  which  their  sires  contend 
ed  ]  I  will  not  yet  believe  it.  Still  will  I  trust  there  is  in  our  land  a  redeem 
ing  spirit— a  spirit  of  truth,  religion,  and  liberty,  that  can  be  roused  ;  and,  being 
roused,  will  shake  off  this  vile  incumbrance,  slavery,  as  easily  as  the  lion  shakes 
.the  dew-drop  irom  his  mane. 

I  need  not  say,  I  have  no  apprehension,  that  there  will  be  a  surrender  by  the 
convention  of  any  principle.  I  feel  confident,  there  will  not.  Let  it  be  felt  that 
the  struggle  in  which  we  are  engaged,  has  become  one  on  whose  result  is  haz 
arded,  not  only  the  freedom  of  the  black  man,  but  of  ourselves,  our  children,  our 
country,  the  world.  We  can  yield  no  principle  without  weakening,  if  not  destroy 
ing,  ourselves.  I  could  say  much,  but  I  arn  compelled  to  desist.  May  the  spirit 
of  the  Lord  direct  your  proceedings. 

Your  friend,  and  fellow  laborer, 

JAMES  G.  BIRNEY. 

SCHENECTADY,  N.   Y.,   OCT.    12,    1835. 

The  undersigned,  members  of  Union  College,  to  the  New  York  State  Anti- 
Slavery  Convention  : 

If  we  look  around  on  our  country,  we  see  one-sixth  of  our  population  in  the 
lowest  depths  of  degradation.  We  see,  them  considered  arid  treated  as  brutes 
and  as  "chattels,  personal,"  liable  at  any  time  as  may  suit  the  interest  or  the 
.caprice  of  irresponsible  masters  to  be  bought  and  sold.  They  are  slaves  in  a 
"  land  of  liberty."  They  are  slaves  in  the  "  freest  nation  in  the  world."  They 
are  debased  in  the  midst  of  the  most  enlightened  people.  They  are  heathens 
in  a  "  land  of  Bibles  and  of  religion."  Ignorant  in  the  midst  of  intelligence. — 
They  are,  by  an  abrogation  of  God's  holy  law,  deprived  of  those  privileges  which 
we  consider  as  essential  in  the  securing  of  our  own  salvation.  All  this  wicked 
ness  has  been  and  is  now  sustained  by  men  calling  themselves  Christians  ;  it  is 
not  condemned  by  the  Christian  church.  The  whole  system  is  sanctioned  and 
perpetuated  by  the  public  sentiment  of  the  nation. 

This  state  of  things  calls  loudly  for  the  vengeance  of  the  Almighty  upon  us, 
and  renders  our  very  existence  as  a  nation  more  than  problematical.  We  be-* 


44 


lieve  that  this  deplorable  state  of  things  is  a  SIN  ;  by  consequence,  it  ought  tm- 
mediately  to  cease.  That  it  may  cease,  we  pledge  our  efforts  to  co-operate  with 
you  in  hastening  that  time  when  the  sentiments — both  in  letter  and  spirit — of 
]the  "Declaration  of  Independence,"  shall  be  acknowledged,  and  "  equal  rights'' 
shall  be  the  watchword  of  all. 


Peter  Snyder, 
A.  Me  Neil,  Jr. 
A.  Reid, 
P.  S.  Danforth, 
R.  L.  Smith, 
W.  H.  Backus, 
J.  F.  Wells, 
J.  W.  Longe, 
Henry  H.  Loomis, 
H.  H.  Loomis, 
Geo.  L.  Le  Row, 
C.  Bradley, 
S.  Abel, 
L.  D.  Baldwin, 


I.  G.  Durgce, 
S.  W.  Stoddard, 
T.  Spencer, 
Wm.  Erwin, 
A.  P.  Phelps, 
P.  J.  Timlow, 

C.  Leaven  worth, 
S.  Perry, 

Tho.  Stalker, 
E.  B.  Vedder, 
J.  M.  Austin, 
R.  Doig,  .lr. 
J.  E.  Lansing, 

D.  Swolee, 


D.  C.  Frost, 
H.  W.  Gilbert, 

D.  Kelly, 

S.  W.  Hall, 

O.  N.  Stodard, 

C.  W.  Torrey, 

Geo.  J.  King, 

J.  F.  Scovill, 

S.  S.  Leighton, 

J.  C.  Hill, 

Wm.  K.  Me  Dougall, 

E.  F.  Cushmaj}, 
M.  Hall, 

E.  H.  Hawley. 


NAMES  OF  THE  DELEGATES  TO  THE  STATE  ANTI 

SLAVERY  CONVENTION,  IN  UTICA, 

OCT.  21,  1835. 


J.  G.  Prentiss, 

J.  Bradley,  Esq. 

A.  Neely, 

C.  Waterbury, 

I.  Crane,  Jim. 

E.  Hall, 

J.  M.  Ketchum, 

0.  P.  Conklin, 

O.  H.  Havens, 

E.  Eddy, 

Mr.  Perry, 

Rev.  H.  Snyder, 

W.  Avery, 

E.  Lee, 

Rev.  G.  Spalding, 

J.  S.  Fitch, 

J.  Copland,  jun. 

Rev.  S.  Hawley, 

J.  W.  Fox, 

S.  Carver, 


S.  S.  Bradford, 
Rev.  F.  Shipperd, 
G.  Gemel, 
I.  S.  Platt, 
W.  Dewey, 
Rev.  J.  A.  Hart, 
E.  McAll, 
B.  Basset, 
I.  Platt, 
W.  Burr, 
G.  Dean,  jun. 
J.  P.  McCord, 
E.  Carifield, 
S.  Thompson, 
Rev.  A.  Parmelee, 
L.  A.  Skinner, 
E.  A.  Marsh, 
A.  George, 
Rev.  W.  Childs, 
Rev.  W.  Arthur, 


R,  Lyman, 
H.  Peoenix, 
R.  Gould, 
I.  C.  Brownson, 
C.  Caulkins, 
R.  Jackson, 
A.  Scoficld, 
Dr.  D.  Bingham, 
J.  M.  Andrews, 

0.  C.  Brown, 

1.  Mills,    ..-I' 
T.  Davis, 

A.  Warriner, 

O.  Prescott, 

E.  Holcomb, 

J.  Bunce, 

G.  Cross,       . 

W.  B.  Armstrong, 

Rev.  H.  Jones, 

J.  A.  Northrup,  jun. 


L.  Smith, 
H.  Smith, 
Rev.  E.  Cbilds, 
H.  L.  Hammond, 
Rev.  E.  E.  Pool, 
T.  B.  Watson,  esq. 
Rev.  II.  Foot, 
W.  J.  Savage, 
I.  Bowen, 
L.  Lamson, 
L.  Bushnell, 
Gen.  J.  A  Northrop, 
Dr.  D.  Perry, 
Rev;  J.  L.  Crandall, 
A,  K.  Hinsdale, 
R.  Sleeper,  esq. 
Rev.  J.  Ingersol, 
W.  M.  Clark, 
A.  Kingsbury,  esq. 
H.  Van  Dresser, 
Rev.  J.  W.  Spoor, 
M.  Tucker, 
E.  Lewis, 
J.  M.  Parker, 

A.  Gilbert, 

B.  Snow, 

J.  Foot,  esq. 
J.  C.  Burnell, 
J.  W.  Pratt, 
D.  C.  Vannerman, 
Dr.  F.  Rice, 
A.  Raymand, 
A.  B.  Deforest, 
R.  Brown, 
I.  M.  Diamond, 
L.  W.  Gilbert, 
Rev.  J.  Leavitt, 
L.  Tappan, 
W.  A.  Holdrige, 
J.  H.  Parker, 
D.  Kennedy, 
L.  C.  Gunn, 
J.  Cragin, 
D.  Ruggles, 
W.  Erving, 
G.  Davidson, 
A.  Stewart, 
J.  Snyder, 


45 

Rev.  S.  PI.  Gridley, 

Rev.  A.  Ennis, 

S.  F.  Phoenix, 

J.  Andrews, 

Dr.  A.  Frank, 

L.  Thompson,  jun. 

E.  Walker, 

W.  Buxton, 

S.  Fisher, 

J.  W.  Adams, 

E.  Stanford, 

E.  Lewis,  esq. 

E.  Lewis, 

J.  M.  Cassem, 

W.  Cotton, 

S.  Marsh, 

W.  Everts, 

E.  Sears, 

C.  R.  Collum, 

E.  B.  Galusha, 

G.  Dorrence, 

A.  Williams, 

T.  Bright, 

E.  Campbell, 

A.  A.  Pool, 

N.  Shapley, 

Dr.  M.  Burnett, 

S.  Meade, 

M.  W.  Leland, 

R.  C.  Palmer, 

J.  F.  Jones, 

W.  Clark, 

W.  Farwell, 

E.  A.  Lambert, 

J.  F.  Robinson  esq. 

A.  B.  Rumsey, 

B.  Sayre, 

R.  G.  Williams, 
G.  H.  White, 
G.  A.  Dwight, 
Dr.  T.  Pitts, 
T.  0.  Buckmaster, 
Rev.  A.  Ingersol, 
J.  Tryon, 
S.  R.  Hathaway, 
J.  T.  Trotter, 
J.  C.  Delong, 
Rev.  O.  Wetmore, 


0.  F.  Parker, 
P.  Pettibone, 
N.  Smith, 
Rev.  M.  Smith, 
0.  Stevens, 
W.  P.  St.  Johns, 
C.  Bascom, 
F.  B.  Ward, 
J.  Gloucester, 

E.  Rogers, 

A.  E.  Coleman, 

F.  Dana, 
H.  Randall, 
W.  Howell, 
C.  Grant, 
H.  Berrien, 
Rev.  L.  Wilcox, 
J.  Metcalf, 

E.  H.  Payson, 

W.  Morse, 

L.  Weaver, 

Rev.  W.  B.  Tompkins, 

C.  B.  Lord, 

W.  Z.  Wilson, 

T.  Kellogg, 

G.  Weedtiarn, 

W.  Elder,  jun. 

E.  Gionard, 

W.  Green,  jun. 

R.  Cunningham, 

Rev.  S.  Beeman, 

J.  W.  Higgins, 
Rev.  D.  Clark, 

C.  Whittelsey, 
E.  Wright,  jun. 
S.  D.  Childs, 
W.  S.  Dorr, 
W.  H.  Blackford, 
M.  Flay,  sen. 
A.  Freeman, 
W.  Hammell, 
C.  H.  Kenmore, 
Dr.  J.  W.  Smith, 
C.  Crocker, 
R.  W.  Smell, 
S.  Kellogg, 
S.  Lightbody, 
Rev.  A.  Savage, 


46 


Rev.  J.  B.  Shaw, 

I.  Grant, 

Rev.  B.  Green, 

D.  Foster, 

Dr.  N.  Sherrill. 

'S.  B.  Roberts,  esq. 

Rev.  H.  Blodgett, 

H.  G.  Loomis, 

H.  Bingham, 

A.  Hotchkiss, 

S.  Lyman, 

J.  S.  Lattimore, 

Rev.  E.  Fairchild, 

G.  L.  Dickinson, 

Rev.  A.  Mills, 

J.  P.  Guest, 

J.  A.  Reed, 

J.  F.  Temple, 

J.  Wells, 

E.  Barnes, 

F.  D.  Porter, 

J.  Vanderheyden, 

R.  Seymour, 

O.  Kendall, 

L.  Prince, 

J.  J.  Ward, 

W.  Gates, 

A.  Wells, 

J.  G.  Kellogg, 

I.  Thurber, 

J.  Prescott, 

O.  N.  Worden, 

C.  McLane, 

L.  P.  Rising, 

W.  B.  Rawson, 

T.  M.  Martin, 

J.  Dodge, 

J.  Clark, 

W.  S.  Gale, 

C.  R.  Beadle, 

Dr.  A.  Holbrook, 

L.  S.  Kellogg, 

A.  Hitchcock, 

H.  Newland, 

G.  Stedman, 

R.  C.  Thomas, 

A.  Hunt, 

R.  Debnam, 

A.  Guy, 

David  Lynus, 

F.  A.  Gray, 

Rev.  C.  Avery, 

W.  H.  Gray, 

Rev.  H.  H.  Kellogg, 

J.  P.  Guest, 

Dr.  S.  W.  Stewart, 

Rev.  S.  Wells, 

J.  Powel, 

N.  Miller, 

W.  Alexander, 

H.  P.  Barnes, 

Rev.  E.  H.  Merrell, 

B.  D.  White, 

S.  H.  Skinner, 

E.  M.  Higby, 

J.  Skinner, 

J.  S.  Griffin, 

M.  Prentiss, 

A.  D.  Barbour, 

G.  Hays, 

H.  Elmer, 

Dr.  E.  Judd, 

Rev.  A.  Sedgwick, 

D.  Shapley, 

Dr.  A.  Blair, 

Mr.  Prescott, 

Rev.  J.  Frost, 

W.  Gates, 

J.  Tibbitts, 

R.  Seymour, 

G.  Butler, 

L.  Prince, 

A.  Seymour, 

Dr.  A.  H.  Kellogg, 

Dr.  E.  Loomis, 

J.  Wood, 

J.  Townsend,  jun. 

N.  Cobb, 

M.  S.  Losey, 

D.  A.  Holbrook, 

T.  McFarland, 

L.  Bliss, 

W.  Buchanan, 

G.  Pocock, 

W.  K,  Tibbitts, 

J.  Mann, 

C.  Ramis, 
H.  Crane, 
A.  Gray, 
F.  A.  Gray, 
V.  S.  Lovell, 
J.  W.  Wood, 

F.  A.  Spencer, 
J.  F.  Griffin, 
S.  P.  Hough, 
W.  Smith, 

R.  Tyler, 
A.  D.  Barber, 
S.  Bryant. 
H.  Elmer, 

C.  C.  Mitchell, 
A.  McKellur, 

G.  Waldo, 

J.  O.  Wattles, 
P.  A.  Anderson, 
A.  G.  Beeman, 
J.  A.  Canneld, 
W.  B.  Ransom, 

D.  C.  Wilbour, 

F.  C.  Woodworm, 
A.  Frissett, 

C.  D.  Wolcott, 
C.  F.  Parmelee, 
H.  P.  Ward, 

A.  Robinson, 
S.  Parmele, 
R.  Pratt, 

C.  Judson, 

B.  S.  Groves, 

J.  Townsend,  esq. 

G.  St.  George, 
R.  Ellinwood, 
A.  Flint, 

M.  Brayton, 

I.  Norton, 

I.  Norton,  jun. 

D.  Burrows, 
F.  South  worth, 
S.  Stbrrs, 

S.  H.  Addington, 
J.  T.  Lyman, 
S.  M  Ferine, 
W.   L.  Rogers, 
W.  G.  Miller, 


T.  Stevenson, 

W.  Towers, 

H.  D.  Tucker, 

E.  Herrick, 

T.  James, 

M.  S.  Bailey, 

T.  Powell, 

L.  Lawrence, 

Rev.  J.  Griffith, 

J.  S.  Bailey, 

T.  Thomas, 

G.  Lawson, 

G.  D.  Foster, 

J:  Thomas, 

F:  D.  Corey; 

G.  K.  Smith* 

W.  F.  Gould, 
J.  Martin, 

N.  Cobb, 

J.  Wood, 

I.  B.  Lyman, 

J.  W.  Oilman, 

E.  0.  Ward, 

M.  Lowring, 

P.  Rawson, 

T.  Miller, 

R.  Bacon, 

G.  Miller, 

Rev,  R.  R.  Demming, 

Rev.  0.  Parker, 

Rev.  W.  Fuller, 

E.  M.  S.  Spencer, 

Rev.  I.  Pettibone. 

John  Wait, 

H.  Warner, 

W.  M.  Beebee, 

V.  Lovell, 

S.  Bliss, 

T.  Beebee, 

Dr.  W.  A.  Clark, 

E.  Baker, 

S.  J.  M.  Beebee, 

J.  M.  Benham, 

E.  Clark, 

J.  R.,Dixon, 

J.  I.  Doolittle, 

E.  Marsh, 

R.  Roberts, 

S.  Hunt, 


47 

F.  Wright, 
M.  Wilcox, 
P-V.  Kellogg, 
O.  Clark, 

D.  Thomas, 
J.  Parker, 
T.  Rouridy, 

A.  Mosher, 
J.  C.  Gillet, 

E.  Clark, 
U.S.  Cole, 
Rev.  A.  Crane, 
W.  D.  Hamblin, 
S.  M.  Beckwith, 
C.  A.  Clark, 

B.  Butler, 
S.  Whaley, 
I.  Pixley, 

B.  Butler, 
L.  Pond, 

C.  S.  Parmelee,  Jr. 
R.  Alexander, 

G.  Butler, 
H.  Eddy, 
W.  Farwell, 
C.  W.  Gillam, 
J.  W.  Gillet, 
O.  H.  Havens, 
J.  Keep, 
J.  Ketchum, 
Z.  Loomis, 
S.  A.  Rawson, 
S.  V.  Vorhis, 
O.  Ward, 
J.  Waod, 
Rev.  S.  S.  Smith, 
Rev.  C.  Smith, 
Rev.  W.  Wheeler, 

D.  Thompson,  Esq. 
J.  McViccar, 

P.  Flint, 

E.  Rowe, 

J.  H.  Waldo, 

W.  M.  Clark, 

R.  S.  Orvis,  Esq. 

Mr.  Marsh, 

Rev.  C.  E.  Goodrich, 

R.  S.  Peters, 

Rev.  W.  Warner, 


H.  Nash, 

A.  Seymour/ 

E.  Cad  well 
N.  White, 

W.  M.  Gaylord, 
J.  Sayre, 
L.  Kellogo- 
P.  Thurber, 
J.  E.  Warner, 

B.  W.  Thomas 
J.T.Marshall, 
G.  Bray  ton, 

A.  Thomas, 

C.  Root, 

D.  Van  Valkenberg, 
A.  I.  Hollister, 

C.  I.  Walker, 

F.  W.  Andrews, 
H.  Foot, 

M.  Bridges, 

Rev.  J,  B.  Groves, 

F.  E.  Turner, 

E.  C.  Adams, 
R.  C.  Swift, 
R.  Walker, 
A.  H.  Clark, 
A.  C.  Lathrop, 
H.  Foot, 

A.  D.  Holister, 
Rev.  J.  H.  Martin, 
Rev.  J.  Grey, 
A.  K.  Hadley 
W.  H.  Hadlev, 
J.  I.  Miter, 
W.  Yates,  Esq. 
P.  W.  Marsh, 
Rev.  I.  Foster, 
R.  I.  Knowlson, 
S.  H.  Gregory, 
J.  Laden, 
S.  Spear, 
Rev.  G.  Green, 
E.  Reynolds, 
L.  M.  Shepard, 
G.  L.  La  Row, 
Rev.  C.  J.  Knowls, 
G.  M.  Miller,  Esq. 
Dr.  S.  Bliss, 
A.  Northrop, 


Kev.  M.  Harrison/  G.  A.  A  very,  C.  P.  Bush/ 

E.  Patterson,  W.  W.  Reid,  A.  I.  Burr, 

J.  S.  Judd,  O,  N.  Bush,  S.  Ellicott, 

Rer.  N.  Culver,  0.  Sage,  E.  Stillson, 

Dr.  H.  Corliss,  B.  Fish,  S.  Davis, 

W.  H.  Worcey,  O.  F.  A  very,  P.  Cherry, 

Rev.  T.  Powell,  H.  B.  Sherman,  Rev.  R.  Clapp, 

J.  F.  Scovill,  G.  A.  Hollisler,  Rev.E.  Wheeler/ 

A.  i\  Beebee,  R.  Green,  D.  Forset, 

Dr.  C.  Cook,  A.  Gould,  D.  Crouch, 

C.  Foster,  E.  Strong,  Rev.  I.  I.  Fulton, 

A.  B.  Smith,  S.  S.  Nichols,  S.  Cornell, 

J.  C.  Hathaway,  E.  F.  Marshall,  L.  W.  Sibley, 

Rev.  R.  Robinson.  A.  Norton,  S.  Hamilton, 

Rev.  M.  Tucker,  Hon.  H.  Brewster,  M.  Galusha, 

A.  H.  Stevens,  Rev.  A.  G.  Hall,  A.  Nuby, 

T.  C.  Baker,  Rev.  R.  Chpp,  H.  Iverson,  Jr. 

J.  C.  Jackson,  Rev.  R.  De  Forest,  C.  N.  Mattoon, 

A.  S.  Savage,  T.  Blossom,  E.  B.  Crane, 

W.  Goit,  O.  Stcne,  H.  N.  Robinson/ 

J.  Clark,  J.  Bloss,  F.  S.  How, 

E.  Griffin,  L.  M.  Moore,  J.  Mosher, 

Rev.  L.  Myricky  E.  Moore,  S.  Sawtell, 

C.  Marshall,  M.  Atwater,  G,  Donah, 

R.  McFarland,  Rev.  A.  P.  Brooks,  J.  Talman, 

S.  Cole,  S.  Stanley,  R.  R.  Palmer, 

I.  T.  Headly,  C.  C.  Foote,  A.  B.  Smith, 

N.  Marvin,  C.  Avery,  C.  Mosher, 

K.  Savage,  Rev.  I.  F.  A  very,  S.  A.  Rawson, 
G.  Sherman, 

DELEGATES  FROM  OTHER  STATES, 

Col.    George   H.  Leavitt,  Mass.         Rev.  George  Storrs,    N.    H. 

"  Phileman  Bliss,  Ohio, 

Albert  Bliss, 


Seth  Strong,  Esq. 
Moses  Breck, 
Hart  Leavitt, 

The  above  list  of  names  was  principally  taken  at  Peterboro,  at  the 
meeting  of  the  society  the  next  day  after  the  convention.  The  con 
vention  at  Utica  was  broken  up  by  a  mob  and  the  delegates  dispersed 
soon,  so  that  no  roll  of  the  delegates  was  there  made.  Efforts  have 
been  made  to  procure  the  names  of  all  those  delegates  who  arrived 
at  Utica,  but  from  many  counties  represented  in  the  convention  we 
have  been  unable  to  procure  the  names  of  the  delegates.  It  is  confi 
dently  believed,  that  could  we  procure  all  the  names,  the  number 
would  be  swelled  to  nine  hundred  or  one  thousand. 


NOTK. — HENRY  WHITE,  M.  D.,  of  Yorkton,  Westchester  county,   has  been 
appointed  Vice  President,  in  the  place  of  John  Owen,  declined. 


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